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Ethnic profile of gandhara.
The word Gandhara (not Gandhara, with a medial long a at the end, as it is generally mispronounced at present) is often translated as 'the Land of Fragrance' - gandha being 'fragrance' and hara, the land. It is interesting to note that in the fairly vast stretching from Jalalabad (in Afghanistan) to Khushab in the Punjab (Pakistan), the pattern of nomenclature to denote different lands is the same. Thus, the plateau like tract of land to the east of the Indus, particularly around Rawalpindi, is, on the pattern of Gandhara called Pothohara.
The Potho (Pothohara) is derived from a well known Indo-European root which becomes post in English (as in post-modern) and Pusht in Persian, meaning back or behind. In India it takes the form Pitha. Thus, the word Pothohara would bean 'the land at the back', i.e. back of the mountains, or, metaphorically, simply the 'Highland' which it certainly is. The regions Vanahara, i.e. Woodland. Coming to the western side of Gandhara we know that ancient name of the present Jalaabad (in Afghanistan) was Nagarahara, often corrupted as Nangnehar. These names clearly show that they follow a consistent pattern and were given on account of the topographical features of the lands they cover. But, strangely, the meaning given to Gandhara, i.e. 'the land of fragrance', is inconsistent with the general pattern of nomenclature, for, fragrance is an abstract quality, not topographical feature. This creates a sneaky suspicious regarding the accuracy of this meaning.
The word Gandhara first occurs in the Rigveda1 (Griffith 1968:652), the earliest Aryan literature compiled approximately between 1500 to 1200 BC and is then repeatedly mentioned in various contexts. Had the earliest use of this word been due to the Buddhist of this region who held Gandhara as a sacred land, its alleged meaning would have made some sense. But the earliest use of this word occurs more than one thousand years before Majjhantika2 first brought Buddhism to Gandhara in the 3rd century BC.
Did then the Aryans of the Rigveda also look upon Gandhara as a sacred land3, as the Buddhists of China, Korea etc. did in the centuries following the Christian era? The answer is in the negative. In the time of the Rigveda Aryan communities had scarcely advanced beyond the country of the river Sarasvati (in East Panjab) which for ever afterwards was remembered with special veneration as Brahmavarta, i.e. 'The Holy Land'. In the period o the Brahmanas, which follow the Rigveda, the centre of religious activity was transferred to the adjacent country on the south east, i.e. the upper portion of the Doab between the Jumna and the Ganges. This was Brahmarshidesa, i.e. 'The Country of the Holy Sages' (Rapson 1965: 40).
Quite on the contrary, the Gandharis mentioned in the Atharvaveda and also in the Srauta Sutras appear as a despised people to whom fever as an illness wished to be relegated. The Aryans of Vedic period therefore cannot be expected to have looked upon Gandhara as venerated and holy land giving outa sweet spiritual smell (as it did in the case of Buddhists) to fill the hearts and imagination of Aryan poets.
The first part of the name, i.e. Qand (in Qand har or Gandhara) also occurs as a second part of the names of several Central Asian cities such as Yarqand, Tashqand (Stone Village) and Samarqand (Fat or Large Village). But this does not suit our purpose, for, judged on this pattern the word Qandahar (or Gandhara) would mean 'Land of the village' which is nonsense when applied to a region. If however 'Qand' is taken to stand for a similar Persian word meaning sugar, or metaphorically Sugar-cane, it does make sense. Then the composite word Gandhara on this account would mean 'The Land of Sugarcane'. This it certainly is. The Peshawar valley still grows huge quantities of sugarcane.
We do not know how old the Persian word 'Qand' is, but it does give ameaning to Gandhara which fits into the general pattern of nomenclature indicated above. Even
Hsuan Tsang (Beal 1884:98) in the 7th century AD did not fail to mention this feature. Gandhara, he says, 'is rich in cereals and produces a variety of flowers and fruits; it abounds also in sugarcane from the juice of which they prepare the 'solid sugar', i.e. Gur. The Puranas however give an altogether different season as to how and why his land came to be known as Gandhara, as we shall see below.
The Rigveda, our earliest source, mentions several tribes but the particular places where they had settled are not specified. A generic name 'Udichya' is used for the whole group of Northern tribes. This group included the Uttarakurus, the Uttaramadra, Majavants, Mahavrishas, Gandharas, Bahlikas, Kesins, Kekayas, and Kambojas. Of these tribes only the Gandharis, Bahlikas, Kekayas and Kambojas are relevant to us here.
Besides the Rigveda, the Gandharis are mentioned in the Atharvaveda and also in the Srauta Sutras. In the former source a wish is expressed, as noted above, that fever may visit the Gandharis (Majumdar 1951: 258). Whether the wish of the Atharvaveda was ever fulfilled, we do not know, but the fever malaria had been taking a heavy toll every year in Peshawar till recent times. During the British period, the soldiers stationed in Peshawar were duty-bound to put on their socks even at night and sleep inside mosquito nets. The Aitreya Brahmana (VII, 34) mentions Nagnajit, a King of Gandhara, among Vedic teachers who propagated the Soma-Cult.
From various references in Indian literature, it appears that the boundaries of Gandhara varied at different periods of its history. The Gandharas are generally placed to the west of the Indus and south of the river Kabul. The Bahlikas (literally meaning 'outsiders') may have lived somewhere on the fingers of Gandhara as they are mentioned as a contiguous tribe. Some scholars are inclined to place this tribe in Iran. The Kekayas, probably descended from the Anus of the Rigveda, were southern neighbours of the Gandharis. Their Araces may be seen in place-names such as Kakki near Bannu (Dani 1967: 58). Asvapati, king of the Kekayas is mentioned as a man of learning in the Satapatha Brahmana (X, 6.1.2.) and the Chhadogya Upanishad (V.II,4).
The Kambojas are mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana of the Samaveda, though there is considerable difference of opinion regarding their precise location. They are nevertheless a northwestern tribe and are also subsequently mentioned, together with the Gandharas, in Asoka's Edics. The Vamsa Brahmana refer to a Kamboja teacher named Aupamanyava who was probably a son of the sage Upamanyu mentioned in the Rigveda. Aupamanyava is stated to be a pupil of Madragara. This has led some people to assure that Kambojas and Madras were close neighbours and lived somewhere in the northwest. The mention of Madragara as an ancient Vedic. Teacher shows that the Madras were expert in Vedic learning. This fact is confirmed by the Satapatha Brahmana which records that the sages of northern India repaired to the Madra country to study the Vedas. The territory of the southern Madras roughly corresponds to the present Sialkot and its adjoining districts. In Buddhist times the Madras dwelt between the Chenab and Ravi.
The tribes of the Northwest come out more prominently in the well known 'Battle of the Ten Kings' mentioned in the Rigveda. The battle was caused by the mutual jealously of two priests (Griffith 1986: 159 note) and was fought on the bank of the river Ravi (ancient Parushni), perhaps somewhere near the present Lahore. Among the frontier tribes who took active part in the battle were Alina, Paktha, Bhalanas, Siva and Vishani (Griffith 1986: 342). The Alinas were closely allied with the Pakthas and hailed, perhaps, from a region to the northwest of Gandhara, though their precise location is a matter of considerable doubt. The Pakthas are sometimes identified with modern Pukhtuns, but without any solid ground (Bailey 1952).
The word Pukhtun is a later version of the original Pushtun - a generic name for the people who lived at the pusht or back of the Sufaid Koh (hence the word Pushtun) in the Sulaiman Range - their original home - although they have been expanding to the hill valleys in the north in the course of centuries. This is where they still happen to be and never call themselves Pukhtuns. They are Pushtuns and speak Pushtu, not Pukhtu4. The Pakthas, therefore, whosoever they were, may be connected with Paktiya or Paktika, the names of provinces in the same neighbourhood in Afghanistan. They lived in the hills from which the river Kurrum originates. South of the pakthas lived the Bhalanases. The Vishanins, so-called probably because of their horn shaped helmets, lived further down between the Kurrum and Gomal. Although connected with Gandhara on way or the other, non of these tribes seem to have ever actually lived in the Peshawar valley. The Sivas lived between the Indus and the Jhelum in the Vedic times.
In the past-Rigvedic period (i.e. after 1200 BC) we find new tribes coming into prominence. Many of the old ones disappear or get merged into each other under new names. The Druhyus who were once counted amongst the five principal tribes of the Panjab were new driven out their habitat and pushed into the northwestern corner of the Panjab (Majumdar 1951: 279), between Rawalpindi and Attock. Their king named Angara was killed in the turmoil, he was succeeded by a person named Gandhara, after whose name the Druhyu settlements in the Panjab came to be known as such. This is how, as the traditional history (based on Puranas) says, the term Gandhara came into vogue as the name of a territory. After sometime the Druhyus crossed the borders of India (i.e. Indus) and founded many princepalities in the Mleccha territories in the north (i.e. Gandhara) (Ibid).
Hereafter Gandharas are frequently mentioned in Indian and foreign literatures but the information consist merely of isolated references. Thus, a certain King Sakuni of Gandhara, along with Kekaya and Kamboja princes, is mentioned to have taken in the Bharat5 war. The scene of the battle has not been mentioned in the Mahabharata or the Puranic texts. If however it is the same location as mentioned in the Rigveda, i.e. the bank of the river Ravi, then it is difficult to see how the Druhyus who occupied Gandhara at that time could be interested in or affected by the conflicts of people far away from them. In another reference a certain King Dhritarashtra is said to have taken a Gandhara wife.
In a yet another reference we are told that, after the Bharata war, king Janamejaya whose kingdom corresponded to modern Thanesar, Delhi and Upper Doab, routed the Naga ruler of Taxila6 and also brought Gandhara under his control (Ibid). The story of the Mahabharata was recited to Janamejaya at Taxila by a sage known as Visam payana. Asvapati Kekaya, whose territory lay to the east of Gandhara also accepted Janamejaya's suzerainty. There is a reference to King Pukkusati or Pushkarasarin7, the ruler of Gandhara in the middle of the 6th century BC. He was a contemporary of king Bimbisara of Magadha. He is said to have sent an embassy and a letter to his Magadhan contemporary and inflicted a crushing defeat on king Pradyota of Avanti (present Malwa).
The Behistun inscription of the Achaemenian emperor Darius (522-486 BC) mentions Gandhara (written as Gahara) as one of the provinces of his empire. The Susa Palace inscription of the same states that teak wood used in the construction of the palace was brought from Gadara (Gandhara). Another Iranian emperor, Xerxes (468-465 BC) is known to have recruited Gandharan soldiers for his wars in Greece. Whether these Gandharans were descendants of the Druhyus or had a different source of origin is not known. Greek historians mention on Assakenian tribe (Majumdar 1960: 215) who occupied the present Bajaur and Dir regions and valiantly resisted Alexander's march through their territory8.
Alexander's campaign in the Frontier brought him to a strongly fortified place known as Ora to Greek historians. Sir Aurel Stein has identified this place with Odgram (Stein 1975: 60) on the Malakand - Mingora road near Saidu Sharif (in Swat). Odigram literally means 'Odi Town'. This is not the only one of its kind, for, we know of a number of other such 'towns' scattered in Bajaur, Dirand the Peshawar Valley.
The pre-Muslim ruler of Gandhara who suffered defeat at the hands of Mahmud of Ghazna (in AD 1001 near Peshawar) and the power of whose descendants were completely rooted out by the victor is known to local history9 as a Hodiraja (Abdur Rahman 2002: 37-42). The mountain range on the right bank of the Indus opposite Akbar's fort at Attock is still known as Hodi Ghar (i.e. Mount Hodi) (Raverty 1976: 33). The Odis finally moved to Kashmir. The Ori Valley of Kashmir is evidently known after them. In their modern accounts these Hodi (correctly Odi) kings are mentioned under the misnomer Hindu Sahis (see Abdur Rahman 1979).
The Odi rajas are now abundantly known from Kharoshthi inscriptions found evidently in Gandhara. One of these records (Bailey: 1980) found upon a gold tablet mentions the Odi king Senavarma who was a contemporary of the early Kushans10. There has been some confusion about the actual find spot of this tablet. Zaro dheri in Hazara is often thought to be the real find spot. But now I have been able to find out for certain that the tablet was found in Mata Durush Khela (Upper Swat). Unfortunately the tablet is now lost, so for as my information goes.
Another group of Kharoshthi inscriptions found in Gandhara (Soloman: 1984: 95) mentions several Apracha rajas11. Whether these Apracha rulers represented a tribe or were merely professional soldiers who reached the highest political office of the country through their fighting propensities, is not known. Keeping the Odi example in view one may assume that they were a distinct ethnic group and wielded power in the early centuries before and after the Christian era in the hill states bordering Gandhara12. Indian literature mentions Apachyas (Majumdar 1951: 257-58, 315) as a tribe of the extreme northwest. Whether the Aprachas of the Kharoshthi inscriptions are the same as Apachyas is hard to say so long as we don't find a concrete evidence, though the close resemblance between these two names and the geographical position they held in the extreme northwest favours such an identification.
The demolition of the Hodi kingdom early in the 11th century opened the floodgates of Muslim invaders who, wave after wave, poured into the vast Indian plains, utterly disturbing the balance of power between the tribes, which had held in check the stronger among them from devouring the weaker. Sitting on the crest of these waves were Muslim Turks from Central Asia13. They first established themselves at Ghazna in Afghanistan and then started making inroads in every direction. Apparently the Afghans who were still non-Muslim in the 11th century AD (Schau 1910-199) did not like the sudden rise of a Muslim state in their midst and continuously harassed the Muslim armies passing through their territory. But the Ghaznavid ruler Mahmud punished them severely (Nazim 1931: 76). After Jayapals defeat near Jalalabad the Khaljis became Muslims and joined the Ghaznavid armies. Economic benefits obliged the other Afghan tribes to follow suit.
Gandhara was now a small chip in the much larger scene of conflict emanating frm Ghazna, Lahore and subsequently Delhi. In the melee that followed Gandhara lost its importance, and also its name.
Having lost their political umbrella which the Odi rulers had provided them in the past, the ancient tribes of Gandhara by themselves could not put up an effective barrier against the eastward thrust of the hill tribes who had been enviously looking at the fertile lands of the Peshawar valley. Then came Mongols of the family of Chingiz Khan who ravaged the country from Kabul to Lahore several times leaving nothing but desolation and lawlessness behind. The conditions were now ripe for mass movements. Another great cause of this eastward thrust was the advent of an Afghan sovereign over the Delhi kingdom and Afghan governors in its western provinces.
By the middle of the 14th century the ancient tribes of Gandhara had been dispossessed of their fertile lands, although pockets of Buddhism continued to exist for some more time in Swat, and were either exterminated or driven to the hill tops in Dir, Swat, Buner and Hazara. The Dihqan tribe of the Shalmanis, who originally hailed from Shaluzan and Karman near the present Miran Shah, occupied Hashtnagar (Raverty 1878: 175-...). The Jahangirian Sultans of Swat carved out a fairly large kingdom, extending from Swat to Hashtnagar, while the rest of the Peshawar Valley was taken over by Dilazak Afghans (Ibid: 388).
Who entered the newly conquered territories shortly before the time of Timur (1369-1405). They were the first Afghans to do so. Around 1480 when the great division of the Afghan people called Khashi or Khakhi comprising Yusufzai, Mandans, Tarkalani, and Gaggiani, along with their Muhammadzai and Jadun allies, were driven out of Kabul after a great massacre, they applied to the Dilazaks for quarter. Much o their delight, the Khakhis were assigned the Doaba area for their use. This area they still possess. But what happened afterwards is unbelievable. The Khakhis, as their number increased, picked up a quarrel with their benefactors and after a series of skirmishes inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Dilazaks near Katlang and forced them out of Peshawar valley.
The Potho (Pothohara) is derived from a well known Indo-European root which becomes post in English (as in post-modern) and Pusht in Persian, meaning back or behind. In India it takes the form Pitha. Thus, the word Pothohara would bean 'the land at the back', i.e. back of the mountains, or, metaphorically, simply the 'Highland' which it certainly is. The regions Vanahara, i.e. Woodland. Coming to the western side of Gandhara we know that ancient name of the present Jalaabad (in Afghanistan) was Nagarahara, often corrupted as Nangnehar. These names clearly show that they follow a consistent pattern and were given on account of the topographical features of the lands they cover. But, strangely, the meaning given to Gandhara, i.e. 'the land of fragrance', is inconsistent with the general pattern of nomenclature, for, fragrance is an abstract quality, not topographical feature. This creates a sneaky suspicious regarding the accuracy of this meaning.
The word Gandhara first occurs in the Rigveda1 (Griffith 1968:652), the earliest Aryan literature compiled approximately between 1500 to 1200 BC and is then repeatedly mentioned in various contexts. Had the earliest use of this word been due to the Buddhist of this region who held Gandhara as a sacred land, its alleged meaning would have made some sense. But the earliest use of this word occurs more than one thousand years before Majjhantika2 first brought Buddhism to Gandhara in the 3rd century BC.
Did then the Aryans of the Rigveda also look upon Gandhara as a sacred land3, as the Buddhists of China, Korea etc. did in the centuries following the Christian era? The answer is in the negative. In the time of the Rigveda Aryan communities had scarcely advanced beyond the country of the river Sarasvati (in East Panjab) which for ever afterwards was remembered with special veneration as Brahmavarta, i.e. 'The Holy Land'. In the period o the Brahmanas, which follow the Rigveda, the centre of religious activity was transferred to the adjacent country on the south east, i.e. the upper portion of the Doab between the Jumna and the Ganges. This was Brahmarshidesa, i.e. 'The Country of the Holy Sages' (Rapson 1965: 40).
Quite on the contrary, the Gandharis mentioned in the Atharvaveda and also in the Srauta Sutras appear as a despised people to whom fever as an illness wished to be relegated. The Aryans of Vedic period therefore cannot be expected to have looked upon Gandhara as venerated and holy land giving outa sweet spiritual smell (as it did in the case of Buddhists) to fill the hearts and imagination of Aryan poets.
The first part of the name, i.e. Qand (in Qand har or Gandhara) also occurs as a second part of the names of several Central Asian cities such as Yarqand, Tashqand (Stone Village) and Samarqand (Fat or Large Village). But this does not suit our purpose, for, judged on this pattern the word Qandahar (or Gandhara) would mean 'Land of the village' which is nonsense when applied to a region. If however 'Qand' is taken to stand for a similar Persian word meaning sugar, or metaphorically Sugar-cane, it does make sense. Then the composite word Gandhara on this account would mean 'The Land of Sugarcane'. This it certainly is. The Peshawar valley still grows huge quantities of sugarcane.
We do not know how old the Persian word 'Qand' is, but it does give ameaning to Gandhara which fits into the general pattern of nomenclature indicated above. Even
Hsuan Tsang (Beal 1884:98) in the 7th century AD did not fail to mention this feature. Gandhara, he says, 'is rich in cereals and produces a variety of flowers and fruits; it abounds also in sugarcane from the juice of which they prepare the 'solid sugar', i.e. Gur. The Puranas however give an altogether different season as to how and why his land came to be known as Gandhara, as we shall see below.
The Rigveda, our earliest source, mentions several tribes but the particular places where they had settled are not specified. A generic name 'Udichya' is used for the whole group of Northern tribes. This group included the Uttarakurus, the Uttaramadra, Majavants, Mahavrishas, Gandharas, Bahlikas, Kesins, Kekayas, and Kambojas. Of these tribes only the Gandharis, Bahlikas, Kekayas and Kambojas are relevant to us here.
Besides the Rigveda, the Gandharis are mentioned in the Atharvaveda and also in the Srauta Sutras. In the former source a wish is expressed, as noted above, that fever may visit the Gandharis (Majumdar 1951: 258). Whether the wish of the Atharvaveda was ever fulfilled, we do not know, but the fever malaria had been taking a heavy toll every year in Peshawar till recent times. During the British period, the soldiers stationed in Peshawar were duty-bound to put on their socks even at night and sleep inside mosquito nets. The Aitreya Brahmana (VII, 34) mentions Nagnajit, a King of Gandhara, among Vedic teachers who propagated the Soma-Cult.
From various references in Indian literature, it appears that the boundaries of Gandhara varied at different periods of its history. The Gandharas are generally placed to the west of the Indus and south of the river Kabul. The Bahlikas (literally meaning 'outsiders') may have lived somewhere on the fingers of Gandhara as they are mentioned as a contiguous tribe. Some scholars are inclined to place this tribe in Iran. The Kekayas, probably descended from the Anus of the Rigveda, were southern neighbours of the Gandharis. Their Araces may be seen in place-names such as Kakki near Bannu (Dani 1967: 58). Asvapati, king of the Kekayas is mentioned as a man of learning in the Satapatha Brahmana (X, 6.1.2.) and the Chhadogya Upanishad (V.II,4).
The Kambojas are mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana of the Samaveda, though there is considerable difference of opinion regarding their precise location. They are nevertheless a northwestern tribe and are also subsequently mentioned, together with the Gandharas, in Asoka's Edics. The Vamsa Brahmana refer to a Kamboja teacher named Aupamanyava who was probably a son of the sage Upamanyu mentioned in the Rigveda. Aupamanyava is stated to be a pupil of Madragara. This has led some people to assure that Kambojas and Madras were close neighbours and lived somewhere in the northwest. The mention of Madragara as an ancient Vedic. Teacher shows that the Madras were expert in Vedic learning. This fact is confirmed by the Satapatha Brahmana which records that the sages of northern India repaired to the Madra country to study the Vedas. The territory of the southern Madras roughly corresponds to the present Sialkot and its adjoining districts. In Buddhist times the Madras dwelt between the Chenab and Ravi.
The tribes of the Northwest come out more prominently in the well known 'Battle of the Ten Kings' mentioned in the Rigveda. The battle was caused by the mutual jealously of two priests (Griffith 1986: 159 note) and was fought on the bank of the river Ravi (ancient Parushni), perhaps somewhere near the present Lahore. Among the frontier tribes who took active part in the battle were Alina, Paktha, Bhalanas, Siva and Vishani (Griffith 1986: 342). The Alinas were closely allied with the Pakthas and hailed, perhaps, from a region to the northwest of Gandhara, though their precise location is a matter of considerable doubt. The Pakthas are sometimes identified with modern Pukhtuns, but without any solid ground (Bailey 1952).
The word Pukhtun is a later version of the original Pushtun - a generic name for the people who lived at the pusht or back of the Sufaid Koh (hence the word Pushtun) in the Sulaiman Range - their original home - although they have been expanding to the hill valleys in the north in the course of centuries. This is where they still happen to be and never call themselves Pukhtuns. They are Pushtuns and speak Pushtu, not Pukhtu4. The Pakthas, therefore, whosoever they were, may be connected with Paktiya or Paktika, the names of provinces in the same neighbourhood in Afghanistan. They lived in the hills from which the river Kurrum originates. South of the pakthas lived the Bhalanases. The Vishanins, so-called probably because of their horn shaped helmets, lived further down between the Kurrum and Gomal. Although connected with Gandhara on way or the other, non of these tribes seem to have ever actually lived in the Peshawar valley. The Sivas lived between the Indus and the Jhelum in the Vedic times.
In the past-Rigvedic period (i.e. after 1200 BC) we find new tribes coming into prominence. Many of the old ones disappear or get merged into each other under new names. The Druhyus who were once counted amongst the five principal tribes of the Panjab were new driven out their habitat and pushed into the northwestern corner of the Panjab (Majumdar 1951: 279), between Rawalpindi and Attock. Their king named Angara was killed in the turmoil, he was succeeded by a person named Gandhara, after whose name the Druhyu settlements in the Panjab came to be known as such. This is how, as the traditional history (based on Puranas) says, the term Gandhara came into vogue as the name of a territory. After sometime the Druhyus crossed the borders of India (i.e. Indus) and founded many princepalities in the Mleccha territories in the north (i.e. Gandhara) (Ibid).
Hereafter Gandharas are frequently mentioned in Indian and foreign literatures but the information consist merely of isolated references. Thus, a certain King Sakuni of Gandhara, along with Kekaya and Kamboja princes, is mentioned to have taken in the Bharat5 war. The scene of the battle has not been mentioned in the Mahabharata or the Puranic texts. If however it is the same location as mentioned in the Rigveda, i.e. the bank of the river Ravi, then it is difficult to see how the Druhyus who occupied Gandhara at that time could be interested in or affected by the conflicts of people far away from them. In another reference a certain King Dhritarashtra is said to have taken a Gandhara wife.
In a yet another reference we are told that, after the Bharata war, king Janamejaya whose kingdom corresponded to modern Thanesar, Delhi and Upper Doab, routed the Naga ruler of Taxila6 and also brought Gandhara under his control (Ibid). The story of the Mahabharata was recited to Janamejaya at Taxila by a sage known as Visam payana. Asvapati Kekaya, whose territory lay to the east of Gandhara also accepted Janamejaya's suzerainty. There is a reference to King Pukkusati or Pushkarasarin7, the ruler of Gandhara in the middle of the 6th century BC. He was a contemporary of king Bimbisara of Magadha. He is said to have sent an embassy and a letter to his Magadhan contemporary and inflicted a crushing defeat on king Pradyota of Avanti (present Malwa).
The Behistun inscription of the Achaemenian emperor Darius (522-486 BC) mentions Gandhara (written as Gahara) as one of the provinces of his empire. The Susa Palace inscription of the same states that teak wood used in the construction of the palace was brought from Gadara (Gandhara). Another Iranian emperor, Xerxes (468-465 BC) is known to have recruited Gandharan soldiers for his wars in Greece. Whether these Gandharans were descendants of the Druhyus or had a different source of origin is not known. Greek historians mention on Assakenian tribe (Majumdar 1960: 215) who occupied the present Bajaur and Dir regions and valiantly resisted Alexander's march through their territory8.
Alexander's campaign in the Frontier brought him to a strongly fortified place known as Ora to Greek historians. Sir Aurel Stein has identified this place with Odgram (Stein 1975: 60) on the Malakand - Mingora road near Saidu Sharif (in Swat). Odigram literally means 'Odi Town'. This is not the only one of its kind, for, we know of a number of other such 'towns' scattered in Bajaur, Dirand the Peshawar Valley.
The pre-Muslim ruler of Gandhara who suffered defeat at the hands of Mahmud of Ghazna (in AD 1001 near Peshawar) and the power of whose descendants were completely rooted out by the victor is known to local history9 as a Hodiraja (Abdur Rahman 2002: 37-42). The mountain range on the right bank of the Indus opposite Akbar's fort at Attock is still known as Hodi Ghar (i.e. Mount Hodi) (Raverty 1976: 33). The Odis finally moved to Kashmir. The Ori Valley of Kashmir is evidently known after them. In their modern accounts these Hodi (correctly Odi) kings are mentioned under the misnomer Hindu Sahis (see Abdur Rahman 1979).
The Odi rajas are now abundantly known from Kharoshthi inscriptions found evidently in Gandhara. One of these records (Bailey: 1980) found upon a gold tablet mentions the Odi king Senavarma who was a contemporary of the early Kushans10. There has been some confusion about the actual find spot of this tablet. Zaro dheri in Hazara is often thought to be the real find spot. But now I have been able to find out for certain that the tablet was found in Mata Durush Khela (Upper Swat). Unfortunately the tablet is now lost, so for as my information goes.
Another group of Kharoshthi inscriptions found in Gandhara (Soloman: 1984: 95) mentions several Apracha rajas11. Whether these Apracha rulers represented a tribe or were merely professional soldiers who reached the highest political office of the country through their fighting propensities, is not known. Keeping the Odi example in view one may assume that they were a distinct ethnic group and wielded power in the early centuries before and after the Christian era in the hill states bordering Gandhara12. Indian literature mentions Apachyas (Majumdar 1951: 257-58, 315) as a tribe of the extreme northwest. Whether the Aprachas of the Kharoshthi inscriptions are the same as Apachyas is hard to say so long as we don't find a concrete evidence, though the close resemblance between these two names and the geographical position they held in the extreme northwest favours such an identification.
The demolition of the Hodi kingdom early in the 11th century opened the floodgates of Muslim invaders who, wave after wave, poured into the vast Indian plains, utterly disturbing the balance of power between the tribes, which had held in check the stronger among them from devouring the weaker. Sitting on the crest of these waves were Muslim Turks from Central Asia13. They first established themselves at Ghazna in Afghanistan and then started making inroads in every direction. Apparently the Afghans who were still non-Muslim in the 11th century AD (Schau 1910-199) did not like the sudden rise of a Muslim state in their midst and continuously harassed the Muslim armies passing through their territory. But the Ghaznavid ruler Mahmud punished them severely (Nazim 1931: 76). After Jayapals defeat near Jalalabad the Khaljis became Muslims and joined the Ghaznavid armies. Economic benefits obliged the other Afghan tribes to follow suit.
Gandhara was now a small chip in the much larger scene of conflict emanating frm Ghazna, Lahore and subsequently Delhi. In the melee that followed Gandhara lost its importance, and also its name.
Having lost their political umbrella which the Odi rulers had provided them in the past, the ancient tribes of Gandhara by themselves could not put up an effective barrier against the eastward thrust of the hill tribes who had been enviously looking at the fertile lands of the Peshawar valley. Then came Mongols of the family of Chingiz Khan who ravaged the country from Kabul to Lahore several times leaving nothing but desolation and lawlessness behind. The conditions were now ripe for mass movements. Another great cause of this eastward thrust was the advent of an Afghan sovereign over the Delhi kingdom and Afghan governors in its western provinces.
By the middle of the 14th century the ancient tribes of Gandhara had been dispossessed of their fertile lands, although pockets of Buddhism continued to exist for some more time in Swat, and were either exterminated or driven to the hill tops in Dir, Swat, Buner and Hazara. The Dihqan tribe of the Shalmanis, who originally hailed from Shaluzan and Karman near the present Miran Shah, occupied Hashtnagar (Raverty 1878: 175-...). The Jahangirian Sultans of Swat carved out a fairly large kingdom, extending from Swat to Hashtnagar, while the rest of the Peshawar Valley was taken over by Dilazak Afghans (Ibid: 388).
Who entered the newly conquered territories shortly before the time of Timur (1369-1405). They were the first Afghans to do so. Around 1480 when the great division of the Afghan people called Khashi or Khakhi comprising Yusufzai, Mandans, Tarkalani, and Gaggiani, along with their Muhammadzai and Jadun allies, were driven out of Kabul after a great massacre, they applied to the Dilazaks for quarter. Much o their delight, the Khakhis were assigned the Doaba area for their use. This area they still possess. But what happened afterwards is unbelievable. The Khakhis, as their number increased, picked up a quarrel with their benefactors and after a series of skirmishes inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Dilazaks near Katlang and forced them out of Peshawar valley.
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