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  • Welcome to Saigonistan

    http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-ne...to-saigonistan

    PEPE ESCOBARFor Pentagon Chief Leon Panetta, a recent wave of “green-on-blue” (or insider attacks) on US and Nato troops – i.e. the Afghan version of friendly fire - are just the “last gasp” of a bunch of frustrated Taliban.That does remind one of Don Rumsfeld’s “remnants” of Saddam’s regime, who duly morphed into hardcore Iraqi guerrillas and gave hell to the US occupation.Back to reality, even US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey had to admit, “something has to change”. Only in 2012, Afghan security forces killed 51 Nato soldiers - and counting.That may not be much compared to scores of civilian victims, aka “collateral damage”, of the shadowy CIA drone war against the Pakistani tribal areas.

    Not to mention the recent US raid that killed eight Afghan women and girls who were engaged in an extremely subversive plot to collect firewood.Oh yes - but this is “them”, not “us”.Anyway, something did change. Nato’s new spin on “green-on-blue” is right up the scale down alley. From now on, joint patrols or any “interaction” with Afghans will only go on at least at battalion level (which group 500 or even 800 members).It was - surprise! - a unilateral Pentagon decision. No Nato partners or even the Afghans themselves were consulted.So here’s the instant spinless translation - if any was needed.That’s the abject failure of all elaborate Western plans to set up an Afghan fighting force by embedding them with Americans and Europeans - and then have them handle security by themselves.

    Even as it stands, very few Afghan units can independently engage in tactical operations.That’s the solemn erection of a far from figurative Wall of Mistrust between “us” and “them”.That’s the end of a massive PR campaign - sold to Western public opinion - that even boasted its own Dari slogan; shohna ba shohna (“shoulder by shoulder”), as in “good” Westerners side by side with Afghans fighting the “evil” Taliban.Moreover, what this implies is there’s no soft exit strategy for the US and Nato. Sooner rather than later - in this case December 2014 - a Saigon moment looms in the Hindu Kush. TAKE THE RIFLE AND RUNPredictably, tough guy Nato Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen said the deadline towards total Afghan responsibility for national security by the end of 2014 remains; the scaling down is “prudent and temporary”.

    In terms of losing face, Rasmussen and Nato could not possibly accept ignominious defeat and rush for the exits. Especially after Taliban supremo Mullah Omar had stated over a month ago that the Taliban “cleverly infiltrated the ranks of the enemy according to the plan given to them last year”.Even without rampant Taliban infiltration, Nato would have never been able to vet all 352,000 members of Afghanistan’s army and police forces anyway. Most are Tajiks, some are Hazaras and Uzbeks, but there are Pashtuns as well, who may or may not be Taliban sympathisers, and are simply enlisting because they can earn a steady paycheque.The 11-year-old Afghan war is now virtually invisible in the US, even during a drawdown of 33,000 US troops ordered by President Obama by the end of the month (still 68,000 will remain).

    A majority of Americans want the war over by... yesterday - as in proclaim victory, cut our losses, and leave.Now, with the new Nato dispensation, it’s fair to assume most of the 150,000 Western troops - and fat cat contractors - will get out of Dodge by the end of next year.As for the Pentagon’s obsession in keeping Special Forces on the ground until at least 2024 - as a useful tool in monitoring both Russia and China - it depends on a Status of Force Agreement (SOFA) that the Pentagon must convince Hamid Karzai’s government to sign.Ten years ago, in Paris, I asked Hamid Karzai in person how could an Afghan army be configured with a sectarian bent - mostly Tajiks and not including the Pashtun majority. He cut me off - insisting it would be a success. Now Mullah Omar has answered my question.

    In Iraq - as part of a Machiavellian plan devised by Iranian Quds Force commander Qassem Suleimani - Maliki had the Pentagon believe it would enjoy a SOFA similar to South Korea’s. But then, at the eleventh hour, Maliki added a clause to the treaty; US troops/contractors would have to abide by Iraqi law. The deal collapsed.Without a SOFA, there’s also the question of what to do with all the hardware. The US alone holds at least 100,000 containers in Afghanistan. A lot of the hardware will be sold - or “donated” - to allies. That unimpeachable democrat, Uzbekistan’s ruler Islam Karimov, for instance, would love to lay his hands on most of the loot for his military.MEET ME AT THE GRAVEYARDWhen Washington cannot even trust the “natives” it is leaving behind to cover the exit - and that’s not even counting the extended families of the women and children who became “collateral damage” to US/Nato air strikes - all conditions are in place for a Saigon remix.

    Until recently the debate was whether the Taliban would agree not to attack US/Nato troops if a deadline for a total retreat was set in stone. Now the Taliban don’t even need an agreement.As historical ironies go, few beat Russia moving into the US/Nato vacuum - light years after the USSR retreated from Afghanistan along that fateful bridge over the Amu Darya river in February 1989.There will always remain the dodgy angle of the West’s latest Afghan adventure being all about heroin - which implies private banking’s humongous money laundering profits. Talk about a bulky Western army providing security for global drug lords. Precedents abound - as in the Opium Wars.

    But whatever angle is examined, the fact is the overwhelming majority of Afghans - no matter their ethnicity - just want the foreign invaders to leave. Their hearts and minds were never conquered in the first place; after all, the invaders have not even managed to speak Pashto or Dari. Now consider this: “A war begun for no wise purpose, carried on with a strange mixture of rashness and timidity, brought to a close after suffering and disaster, without much glory attached either to the government which directed, or the great body of troops which waged it. Not one benefit, political or military, was acquired with this war. Our eventual evacuation of the country resembled the retreat of an army defeated.”A Nato commander? No; British army chaplain Rev GR Gleig, writing about the First Anglo-Afghan War. The year: 1843.Talk about the graveyard of empires. –Aljazeera

  • #2
    Afghanistan: A former US ally says a new conflict looms

    By Chris Sands | 10/16/12

    KABUL, Afghanistan — The photographs in Mohammad Younis Qanooni's house illustrate just how far he and his colleagues have fallen since they first helped spearhead America's war in Afghanistan.
    Displayed prominently, the pictures are of friends he fought alongside in the Northern Alliance. Each of them has been assassinated, in most cases by the insurgents' endless supply of suicide bombers.
    "All those men who were against the Taliban have been physically erased or removed from the scene," he said.
    This month marks the 11th anniversary of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan. Today there are roughly 100,000 foreign troops in the country, a stark contrast to when Operation Enduring Freedom began.
    Rather than deploy masses of soldiers and risk getting ensnared in a land famous for humbling empires, Washington relied in the beginning on an air campaign and the use of the CIA and Special Forces.
    More from GlobalPost: Growing support for Taliban among influential Afghan clerics
    What was known in the West as the Northern Alliance functioned as its proxy army — a collection of militia commanders, warlords and mujahideen fighters who had defeated the Soviets more than a decade earlier. Together, they had already spent years fighting the Taliban regime.
    Kabul was soon declared liberated, but the ease of this early victory papered over cracks that are now being exposed.
    The Northern Alliance contained a number of men often hated for the human rights abuses they had committed in the past. This polarized society and undermined American credibility among large sections of the Afghan public.
    It was a problem crystallized at a conference in Germany in December 2001. Held to decide the shape of Afghanistan's political future, the meeting did not include any Taliban representatives — leaving even moderates in the movement with little choice but to go underground. Many of them eventually turned to armed resistance.
    Now with the Taliban insurgency raging across much of the country, these old divisions are threatening to plunge the nation deeper into the mire.
    Former members of the Northern Alliance are angry with the government and worried that the international community is rushing for the exits as the rebels hunt them down. They believe a new conflict is looming and, if they are correct, history suggests they could be at the heart of the struggle yet again.
    More from GlobalPost: Afghan surge: Obama's big gamble comes to an end
    After the Soviets withdrew, a civil war erupted as different mujahideen groups battled each other for control of Kabul from 1992 to 1996. Qanooni had a senior position in one of the competing factions that tore the city apart, but went on to become minister of interior in the early stages of the US occupation.
    "We imagined we had turned a new page. We imagined we had ended the war and were trying to build a new government, build the nation and implement democracy," he told GlobalPost.
    Now a member of parliament, his optimism has faded. He accused Afghan President Hamid Karzai’s administration of giving the impression it is “pro-Taliban” and claims its weakness has led to the assassinations of his friends. He is convinced the insurgents are clearing the way to try and retake power after the planned exit of all conventional foreign combat troops at the end of 2014.
    Economic, security, and political crises will then unfold and “the people of Afghanistan will stand in two lines fighting each other,” he predicted.
    “A number of them will be captured by the terrorists and a number of the people who do not agree with the ideas of the Taliban, extremism and terrorism will stand against them,” he said.
    This kind of fear also surfaced in the words of another key former Northern Alliance member, who played a notorious role in the post-Soviet civil war.
    After months of quiet —he was rumored to be in hiding — Abdul Rabb Rasul Sayyaf gave a rare public speech in September calling for some suicide bombers to be tortured, maimed and hanged on the main routes into Kabul as an example to others.
    More from GlobalPost: The dangerous political battle for Afghanistan
    Since then, a study by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has warned that the government “will most probably collapse in a few years” and said the insurgents “are expected to launch an advance” starting next summer. For those who helped the US-led invasion, these are alarming scenarios.
    Padsha Khan Zadran seized much of the southeast as the Taliban regime fell. Despite being a staunch critic of the Northern Alliance, he initially supported the new political process in part because he hoped it would mean Afghanistan could be ruled by a monarchy — just as it was decades ago.
    Crucially, the American occupation allowed Zadran to return from exile in Pakistan. He believed he was entitled to at least some slice of official power. When he realized neither of his wishes would come true, he fell out with the Karzai administration — even clashing militarily with it for a while.
    He is no longer in direct conflict with the government but continues to have substantial influence in the provinces of Paktia, Paktika and Khost, where he still enjoys the loyalty of hundreds of armed fighters.
    Now his main opposition in that region comes in the form of Jalaluddin Haqqani, who is from the same tribe and leads a faction of the Taliban. Earlier this summer, a roadside bomb killed Zadran’s brother, nephew and cousin, hardening his determination never to compromise with the rebels.
    As far as he is concerned, they will only be defeated if men like him are let loose against them. Asked if it was possible to talk Haqqani into ending his resistance, he replied, "Absolutely not. Why are you seeking peace with him and not killing him?"
    Last edited by Shah-i-Kot; 10-17-2012, 11:25 PM.

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    • #3
      Now with the Taliban insurgency raging across much of the country, these old divisions are threatening to plunge the nation deeper into the mire.
      Former members of the Northern Alliance are angry with the government and worried that the international community is rushing for the exits as the rebels hunt them down.They believe a new conflict is looming and, if they are correct, history suggests they could be at the heart of the struggle yet again.
      Last edited by Shah-i-Kot; 10-17-2012, 11:24 PM.

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