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  • Editor quits, columnists dropped: Pakistan Army ‘has choked all dissent’

    In the 1970s, when the Pakistan Army barrelled into Balochistan to bring the restive province under control, Rashed Rehman was among a handful of youngsters from a few elite families in Lahore who joined the rebel forces and fought against the military. Today, the Marxist editor is at the centre of another controversy involving the establishment after resigning as editor of the Lahore-based English language newspaper Daily Times.
    Rehman quit 10 days ago, citing “irreconcilable differences with the management” after a four-year battle to retain two trenchant leftist, anti-military columnists, and a parallel struggle to get his staff their salary dues, backed up since 2012. But the resignation came to light only on Friday when Mohammed Taqi, one of the columnists, tweeted that his weekly column had been stopped as “such pieces are constantly being put under scrutiny” and that Rehman “has resigned too”.
    On November 26, the paper carried a column by Taqi, a Florida-based Pakistani doctor, who is an unforgiving critic of the Pakistan military. Writing about the Pakistan Army chief’s visit to Washington, Taqi wrote that he may have “managed to promise the US some pie in the sky (on) the Afghan issue and talks with the Taliban”.
    Taqi told The Indian Express he had received a call from the newspaper’s op-ed editor on Friday that “due to scrutiny of my content they cannot carry the column”.
    Taqi claimed that the paper had long been under pressure from the military establishment to stop the weekly column. “I am just surprised that my editor Rashed Rehman could sustain it for six years,” he said.
    On Thursday, the day the column was published, sources said Rehman got a call from a member of the family that owns the paper to shut down Taqi’s weekly column and another by Mir Mohammed Ali Talpur, a Baloch and Rehman’s four-decade old associate. Rehman wrote to a few friends next day that “the struggle to keep the flag flying has been going on for years. Irreconcilable differences with management have forced me to resign”.
    Rehman did not answer phone calls on Saturday or respond to messages or emails from The Indian Express. However, the op-ed editor of Daily Times, Ream Wasay, answered on his behalf to say that “Mr Rashed Rehman did not resign due to the closure of (the) columns; he handed in his notice before the entire episode occurred…he wishes not to discuss the matter further as he is on notice till February 19, 2016”.
    Yet, sources said that the closure of the columns has reiterated what is now an open secret: the military now fully controls the levers of power in Pakistan, and those who challenge the growing cult of Army chief General Raheel Sharif do so at their own risk.
    A Marxist in a country where the conservative Nawaz Sharif is sometimes described as a liberal, Rehman had been editor of the newspaper since 2009 — it is owned by the late Salman Taseer’s family.
    Before Rehman, Najam Sethi, a comrade of Rehman in the London Group — the name for the group of Punjabi students in the UK who threw themselves into the Baloch struggle — was the editor of the paper. Rehman’s son, Taimur, is among the founders of the anti-establishment Lal band.
    Taseer, an industrialist-businessman who began the newspaper in the 1990s as a liberal voice in post-Zia Pakistan, was gunned down by his police bodyguard in 2011 for supporting a woman who had been accused of blasphemy. He was then the Governor of Punjab province, and was close to the Pakistan People’s Party.
    “My understanding with DT editors was that I would have full independence and it was honoured except on a couple of occasions,” said Taqi. His criticism of the Army, he said, had made it difficult for him to return home to Pakistan to meet relatives — he is from Peshawar where his father was a career Urdu journalist.
    Taqi, who has been writing since 2009, said he would probably not be alive today had he been in Pakistan. “The Gen Raheel Sharif phenomenon is relatively new. His junta has really choked all dissent. They have gone into overdrive not just to project Raheel Sharif as the messiah but also to take down those who say he is a false prophet,” Taqi told The Indian Express.
    Talpur said he had once been told to stop writing about Balochistan in October 2013 and had then stopped writing for the paper because “I write only about Balochistan”. “I had restarted writing for the Daily Times at the end of June this year. This time, it lasted only five months. I am persona non grata,” he said.
    In his last column on November 22, Talpur wrote about how the Pakistan military was taking over Gwadar, the port city in Balochistan, and disempowering the local people in order to facilitate and secure the China-Pakistan economic corridor.
    A rare Baloch voice to get a platform in the national mainstream media, Talpur wrote about a system of “residence passes” that had been put in place in Gwadar and compared it with the apartheid-era dompass in South Africa.
    “Militarising Gwadar and imposing apartheid measures is not something random but is part if a systematic policy to ensure that the Baloch are thoroughly disenfranchised in every way and pushed into a corner from which they find themselves unable to resist whatever indignities and injustices are heaped upon them,” he wrote.
    Talpur told The Indian Express that “slowly all who express dissent are being stopped from speaking and writing. This is not the only way, they resort to harsher measures when dissenters do not relent. But I will continue to write about Balochistan, as I always have”.
    Taqi said it was part of a pattern towards the “the completion of the ‘Pakistan project’ in which “a Punjabi, Sunni male identity represents nationalism and those from smaller nationalities and minority sects are treated as others”.
    Taqi’s last column criticised the Army for getting a virtual “free pass” for “dispersing the hornets into the neighbour’s yard” through an anti-Taliban operation at home. He wrote that “a more stringent view is that such dispersal is by design”, and argued that what was actually required was a military crackdown on such an influx into hapless Afghanistan.
    Earlier, previewing the Army chief’s Washington visit, he quoted the US Department of Defence to make the point that the General had invited himself to Washington, and recalled that the last one to do so over the heads of the civilian government was Field Marshal Ayub Khan, who later took over as the military ruler of Pakistan.
    Mehmal Sarfaraz, a former Oped Editor at the newspaper, said the paper and Pakistani readers would be poorer after this. “Rehman is a bold editor who has always published brave writers,” said Sarfaraz, who left in 2012 and now freelances with the South Asian Free Media Association.
    “Scrapping the columns of Dr Taqi and Talpur is a huge loss for Pakistani readers. Both of them never minced their words and were not afraid to take on the powers that be,” she said. Taqi said that the key difference between when he started writing and now was that the “Pakistan People’s Party somehow allowed the dissenters to continue”. “Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League government has abdicated even more than the PPP,” he alleged.
    While one-off dissent might still be possible through the media, he said, “sustained columns are impossible”. “First the army choked the television media and now it’s the print’s turn. English papers were a relatively safe harbour for dissenters but the chokehold is complete now,” he said.
    The television media, famous for challenging then President Gen Pervez Musharraf and contributing to his downfall, has generally toed the military line since the life-threatening attack on the well-known anchor Hamid Mir, and another TV personality Raza Rumi.
    The Daily Times has been particularly vulnerable since Taseer’s killing and the 2011 kidnapping of his son Shahbaz, reportedly by the Taliban. He has not been traced yet.
    In 2014 the paper published an apology to Tariq Ashrafi, one of the founding members of the extremist militant group Sipah-e-Sahaba after one of its columnists wrote that he was fanning hate against Ahmadis. The columnist, too, had to apologise in the newspaper. Daily Times insiders said the apology was published at the insistence of Salman’s other son Shehryar.
    “After their double loss, the family was trying to get on the side of the government and establishment,” said a former staffer. Always a small operation, the newspaper has had no money for three or four years to even pay its staffers, despite being a lean organisation, said the former staffer, adding that many have quit since.
    “Rehman was under a lot of pressure, working without proper staff, hardly any reporters, he did a lot of editing himself. He commissioned a lot of people, and they wrote for him because of his goodwill, without being paid a single rupee,” said the ex-employee. Taqi and Talpur also wrote “pro bono”


  • #2
    Classic! Complaining about Pakistan on an Indian newspaper.

    Comment


    • #3
      Originally posted by marwat View Post
      In the 1970s, when the Pakistan Army barrelled into Balochistan to bring the restive province under control, Rashed Rehman was among a handful of youngsters from a few elite families in Lahore who joined the rebel forces and fought against the military. Today, the Marxist editor is at the centre of another controversy involving the establishment after resigning as editor of the Lahore-based English language newspaper Daily Times.
      Rehman quit 10 days ago, citing “irreconcilable differences with the management” after a four-year battle to retain two trenchant leftist, anti-military columnists, and a parallel struggle to get his staff their salary dues, backed up since 2012. But the resignation came to light only on Friday when Mohammed Taqi, one of the columnists, tweeted that his weekly column had been stopped as “such pieces are constantly being put under scrutiny” and that Rehman “has resigned too”.
      On November 26, the paper carried a column by Taqi, a Florida-based Pakistani doctor, who is an unforgiving critic of the Pakistan military. Writing about the Pakistan Army chief’s visit to Washington, Taqi wrote that he may have “managed to promise the US some pie in the sky (on) the Afghan issue and talks with the Taliban”.
      Taqi told The Indian Express he had received a call from the newspaper’s op-ed editor on Friday that “due to scrutiny of my content they cannot carry the column”.
      Taqi claimed that the paper had long been under pressure from the military establishment to stop the weekly column. “I am just surprised that my editor Rashed Rehman could sustain it for six years,” he said.
      On Thursday, the day the column was published, sources said Rehman got a call from a member of the family that owns the paper to shut down Taqi’s weekly column and another by Mir Mohammed Ali Talpur, a Baloch and Rehman’s four-decade old associate. Rehman wrote to a few friends next day that “the struggle to keep the flag flying has been going on for years. Irreconcilable differences with management have forced me to resign”.
      Rehman did not answer phone calls on Saturday or respond to messages or emails from The Indian Express. However, the op-ed editor of Daily Times, Ream Wasay, answered on his behalf to say that “Mr Rashed Rehman did not resign due to the closure of (the) columns; he handed in his notice before the entire episode occurred…he wishes not to discuss the matter further as he is on notice till February 19, 2016”.
      Yet, sources said that the closure of the columns has reiterated what is now an open secret: the military now fully controls the levers of power in Pakistan, and those who challenge the growing cult of Army chief General Raheel Sharif do so at their own risk.
      A Marxist in a country where the conservative Nawaz Sharif is sometimes described as a liberal, Rehman had been editor of the newspaper since 2009 — it is owned by the late Salman Taseer’s family.
      Before Rehman, Najam Sethi, a comrade of Rehman in the London Group — the name for the group of Punjabi students in the UK who threw themselves into the Baloch struggle — was the editor of the paper. Rehman’s son, Taimur, is among the founders of the anti-establishment Lal band.
      Taseer, an industrialist-businessman who began the newspaper in the 1990s as a liberal voice in post-Zia Pakistan, was gunned down by his police bodyguard in 2011 for supporting a woman who had been accused of blasphemy. He was then the Governor of Punjab province, and was close to the Pakistan People’s Party.
      “My understanding with DT editors was that I would have full independence and it was honoured except on a couple of occasions,” said Taqi. His criticism of the Army, he said, had made it difficult for him to return home to Pakistan to meet relatives — he is from Peshawar where his father was a career Urdu journalist.
      Taqi, who has been writing since 2009, said he would probably not be alive today had he been in Pakistan. “The Gen Raheel Sharif phenomenon is relatively new. His junta has really choked all dissent. They have gone into overdrive not just to project Raheel Sharif as the messiah but also to take down those who say he is a false prophet,” Taqi told The Indian Express.
      Talpur said he had once been told to stop writing about Balochistan in October 2013 and had then stopped writing for the paper because “I write only about Balochistan”. “I had restarted writing for the Daily Times at the end of June this year. This time, it lasted only five months. I am persona non grata,” he said.
      In his last column on November 22, Talpur wrote about how the Pakistan military was taking over Gwadar, the port city in Balochistan, and disempowering the local people in order to facilitate and secure the China-Pakistan economic corridor.
      A rare Baloch voice to get a platform in the national mainstream media, Talpur wrote about a system of “residence passes” that had been put in place in Gwadar and compared it with the apartheid-era dompass in South Africa.
      “Militarising Gwadar and imposing apartheid measures is not something random but is part if a systematic policy to ensure that the Baloch are thoroughly disenfranchised in every way and pushed into a corner from which they find themselves unable to resist whatever indignities and injustices are heaped upon them,” he wrote.
      Talpur told The Indian Express that “slowly all who express dissent are being stopped from speaking and writing. This is not the only way, they resort to harsher measures when dissenters do not relent. But I will continue to write about Balochistan, as I always have”.
      Taqi said it was part of a pattern towards the “the completion of the ‘Pakistan project’ in which “a Punjabi, Sunni male identity represents nationalism and those from smaller nationalities and minority sects are treated as others”.
      Taqi’s last column criticised the Army for getting a virtual “free pass” for “dispersing the hornets into the neighbour’s yard” through an anti-Taliban operation at home. He wrote that “a more stringent view is that such dispersal is by design”, and argued that what was actually required was a military crackdown on such an influx into hapless Afghanistan.
      Earlier, previewing the Army chief’s Washington visit, he quoted the US Department of Defence to make the point that the General had invited himself to Washington, and recalled that the last one to do so over the heads of the civilian government was Field Marshal Ayub Khan, who later took over as the military ruler of Pakistan.
      Mehmal Sarfaraz, a former Oped Editor at the newspaper, said the paper and Pakistani readers would be poorer after this. “Rehman is a bold editor who has always published brave writers,” said Sarfaraz, who left in 2012 and now freelances with the South Asian Free Media Association.
      “Scrapping the columns of Dr Taqi and Talpur is a huge loss for Pakistani readers. Both of them never minced their words and were not afraid to take on the powers that be,” she said. Taqi said that the key difference between when he started writing and now was that the “Pakistan People’s Party somehow allowed the dissenters to continue”. “Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League government has abdicated even more than the PPP,” he alleged.
      While one-off dissent might still be possible through the media, he said, “sustained columns are impossible”. “First the army choked the television media and now it’s the print’s turn. English papers were a relatively safe harbour for dissenters but the chokehold is complete now,” he said.
      The television media, famous for challenging then President Gen Pervez Musharraf and contributing to his downfall, has generally toed the military line since the life-threatening attack on the well-known anchor Hamid Mir, and another TV personality Raza Rumi.
      The Daily Times has been particularly vulnerable since Taseer’s killing and the 2011 kidnapping of his son Shahbaz, reportedly by the Taliban. He has not been traced yet.
      In 2014 the paper published an apology to Tariq Ashrafi, one of the founding members of the extremist militant group Sipah-e-Sahaba after one of its columnists wrote that he was fanning hate against Ahmadis. The columnist, too, had to apologise in the newspaper. Daily Times insiders said the apology was published at the insistence of Salman’s other son Shehryar.
      “After their double loss, the family was trying to get on the side of the government and establishment,” said a former staffer. Always a small operation, the newspaper has had no money for three or four years to even pay its staffers, despite being a lean organisation, said the former staffer, adding that many have quit since.
      “Rehman was under a lot of pressure, working without proper staff, hardly any reporters, he did a lot of editing himself. He commissioned a lot of people, and they wrote for him because of his goodwill, without being paid a single rupee,” said the ex-employee. Taqi and Talpur also wrote “pro bono”

      http://indianexpress.com/article/wor...d-all-dissent/
      You know, I have a hard time feeling bad for Taqi who is at best a hack and worst a subversive example of human feces.

      He hardly said a word when Hayatullah Khan Wazir, a true and inspiration as well as brave journalist was murdered by the security forces all those years ago:
      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hayatu...an_(journalist)

      To him it was just dandy that a sunni Wazir who was exposing the fact that the drone operations were a joint venture (i.e. approved by Pak and run by Uncle Samwil) would be "disposed of."

      After all, such links would be problematic for his coterie who include: Farhat Taj Andersen, C. Christine Fair, and the AIRRA gang.

      Taqi generally pushes opinion pieces with shoddy citation and evidence bases. For instance, his assessment of the published poetry of the insurgents was a clear attempt to accuse the Western authors of collusion and improperly giving Westerners access to the voices, thoughts, concerns, and motivations of their enemies. Why would Taqi be worried about this? Well because his narrative demands that anyone opposing his worldview be ipso facto be dehumanized and labeled as: terrorist.

      Taqi in reality is a minority member shiite with marxist leanings who comes from a family that is still absurdly pissed off about his crowed losing the war with Russia.

      Why is this? Because Taqi and his ilk view Sunni ascendancy as problematic for what he prefers be implemented by force or fiat or by the pistol on Pashtuns especially, but Muslims across the middle east and Asia.

      Instead, he and his coterie seek to emulate the successes of Alawites for instance, and other minority groups in the region empowered by Colonial groups to rule over the angry and imprisoned majority (e.g. Tamils vs Singhalese etc). In essence, this sort of Marxist fascist leaning permitted the Assad family for example in Syria, to utilize a political construct created by Michael Aflaq (A Christian Arab) to create a regime that pretty much imprisons the sunni majority.

      Taqi and his ilk (like Farhat Taj whose survey data relied on data points regarding military adventures in FATA from shiite regions in Parachinar) want to replicate this situation and to use outside fire power to implement this vision of a national majority at the whim of a leftist, subversionist minority that has a history of radical implementation of a foreign worldview using vicious approaches against its adversaries despite its faux appeals to secular humanism.

      Conversing the truth, lies and intelligence pertaining to the assessment of the Pashtun population across the Durrand line.


      Generally, Taqi and his ilk need not be stopped from writing, but clear distinctions need to be made to balance out their voices which claim to speak for the majority and others have more or less been disenfranchised by the war. Andersen, Taqi, Fair, Hai Kakar, and the whole legion of AIRRA needs to be noted as a pro war think tank voice that is utilized in Western and Eastern media to sustain interventionalism.

      With this in mind, and informed populace can make better decisions about whether to listen to Taqi or at least to take his opinion with a grain of salt if need be. Just as in the West there is a clear knowledge that when you read an article by Kristol, Kilcullen, max boot, sam harris etc that you are reading a piece of an author who has a well known agenda - the same sort of knowledge needs to permeate our understanding of Eastern authors.

      But to the original point, I think Taqi's laments are hypocritical and too little too late as he hardly made a hue and cry about press freedoms when Hayatullah Khan was brutally taken out simply perhaps because he had evidences that did not align with Taqi's intended goals for the region.
      "2 crackheads don't become any better or stronger by sharing the same crack pipe." - Greatest PF quote

      Comment


      • #4
        Originally posted by BarakzaiAbdali View Post
        You know, I have a hard time feeling bad for Taqi who is at best a hack and worst a subversive example of human feces.

        He hardly said a word when Hayatullah Khan Wazir, a true and inspiration as well as brave journalist was murdered by the security forces all those years ago:
        https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hayatu...an_(journalist)

        To him it was just dandy that a sunni Wazir who was exposing the fact that the drone operations were a joint venture (i.e. approved by Pak and run by Uncle Samwil) would be "disposed of."

        After all, such links would be problematic for his coterie who include: Farhat Taj Andersen, C. Christine Fair, and the AIRRA gang.

        Taqi generally pushes opinion pieces with shoddy citation and evidence bases. For instance, his assessment of the published poetry of the insurgents was a clear attempt to accuse the Western authors of collusion and improperly giving Westerners access to the voices, thoughts, concerns, and motivations of their enemies. Why would Taqi be worried about this? Well because his narrative demands that anyone opposing his worldview be ipso facto be dehumanized and labeled as: terrorist.

        Taqi in reality is a minority member shiite with marxist leanings who comes from a family that is still absurdly pissed off about his crowed losing the war with Russia.

        Why is this? Because Taqi and his ilk view Sunni ascendancy as problematic for what he prefers be implemented by force or fiat or by the pistol on Pashtuns especially, but Muslims across the middle east and Asia.

        Instead, he and his coterie seek to emulate the successes of Alawites for instance, and other minority groups in the region empowered by Colonial groups to rule over the angry and imprisoned majority (e.g. Tamils vs Singhalese etc). In essence, this sort of Marxist fascist leaning permitted the Assad family for example in Syria, to utilize a political construct created by Michael Aflaq (A Christian Arab) to create a regime that pretty much imprisons the sunni majority.

        Taqi and his ilk (like Farhat Taj whose survey data relied on data points regarding military adventures in FATA from shiite regions in Parachinar) want to replicate this situation and to use outside fire power to implement this vision of a national majority at the whim of a leftist, subversionist minority that has a history of radical implementation of a foreign worldview using vicious approaches against its adversaries despite its faux appeals to secular humanism.

        Conversing the truth, lies and intelligence pertaining to the assessment of the Pashtun population across the Durrand line.


        Generally, Taqi and his ilk need not be stopped from writing, but clear distinctions need to be made to balance out their voices which claim to speak for the majority and others have more or less been disenfranchised by the war. Andersen, Taqi, Fair, Hai Kakar, and the whole legion of AIRRA needs to be noted as a pro war think tank voice that is utilized in Western and Eastern media to sustain interventionalism.

        With this in mind, and informed populace can make better decisions about whether to listen to Taqi or at least to take his opinion with a grain of salt if need be. Just as in the West there is a clear knowledge that when you read an article by Kristol, Kilcullen, max boot, sam harris etc that you are reading a piece of an author who has a well known agenda - the same sort of knowledge needs to permeate our understanding of Eastern authors.

        But to the original point, I think Taqi's laments are hypocritical and too little too late as he hardly made a hue and cry about press freedoms when Hayatullah Khan was brutally taken out simply perhaps because he had evidences that did not align with Taqi's intended goals for the region.
        infact you are quite right about him, and taqi views are shared by all the Marxist leaning toothless pashtun nationalist. it's quite disturbing that young pashtun who share too much common ground naturally with them on the basis of cultural practice or pashto literature or pakistan enmity,eventually driven by their hollow slogan of pashtunistan and non violent fantasy direct into their poison filled ideology tub, where all of them cheers for drone and don't recall bajaur carnage at all. where they are the only one on planet earth who oppose the Afghan reconciliation process. it's quite sad that they have consumed too much high caliber pashtun intellectual.
        my understanding and views regarding marxist nationalist changed too much. i endorse your views, you should write more

        Comment


        • #5
          Originally posted by marwat View Post
          infact you are quite right about him, and taqi views are shared by all the Marxist leaning toothless pashtun nationalist. it's quite disturbing that young pashtun who share too much common ground naturally with them on the basis of cultural practice or pashto literature or pakistan enmity,eventually driven by their hollow slogan of pashtunistan and non violent fantasy direct into their poison filled ideology tub, where all of them cheers for drone and don't recall bajaur carnage at all. where they are the only one on planet earth who oppose the Afghan reconciliation process. it's quite sad that they have consumed too much high caliber pashtun intellectual.
          my understanding and views regarding marxist nationalist changed too much. i endorse your views, you should write more
          Thank you brother, for overlooking my faults and weighing the evidence at hand. This is always an issue for most of us has human beings - through education we are taught to at least attempt to extricate ourselves from our inherent biases and draw conclusions based on evidences as opposed to running with a foregone conclusion and attempting to buttress these conclusions in absentia of evidence.

          When I am wrong, continue to hold me accountable and always offer me counter evidences as you have.

          I am sure I will be wrong many times in the future, but what I can promise you and assure you if I have the privilege of meeting you in person one day is that I have no conflict of interest or stake in the conflict that would bias me except the the following:

          1) Pashtun
          2) Sunni Muslim

          Otherwise, I have no military or state affiliation.

          But the problem is rampant in media. Take for instance this article:
          http://www.rferl.mobi/a/taliban-rare...tml#navigation

          What qualifies Taqi to be the reference point in this article? His military experiences? Why are none of his inherent and proliferate biases noted? This unfortunately is the gradient against which truth and justice have to fight.

          But that is fine - so long as we go to God with clean unbloodied hands and clear consciences we will have succeeded.
          "2 crackheads don't become any better or stronger by sharing the same crack pipe." - Greatest PF quote

          Comment

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