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  • Sharif's assertiveness against army poses problem for US: LA Times

    Sharif's assertiveness against army poses problem for US: LA Times

    April 19, 2014
    Special Correspondent
    WASHINGTON - American newspapers have begun to pay attention to the reported tensions between Pakistan's civilian government and the military, saying Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's assertiveness against the khakis poses problems for the Obama administration.
    So far, the print and electronic media have been publishing statements and counter-statements made by government and military officials without much analysing them. But on Friday, The Los Angeles Times carried a dispatch, saying that Sharif, who was ousted as prime minister in the last military coup 15 years ago, was pushing back. "Since he returned to office in June, his government has lodged a case against generals over the disappearance of imprisoned militants and engaged Pakistani Taliban insurgents in a controversial peace process against the army's wishes," the LA Times said.
    "Most recently, Sharif has gone after the man who removed him from power in 1999, Pervez Musharraf. Last month the former military ruler was indicted on treason charges, the first time a serving or former army official of his rank has faced trial for abuse of power. The government and courts have denied the ailing Musharraf's appeals to seek medical treatment abroad.
    The military, which has been trying to stay out of politics since Musharraf's rule ended in disaster in 2008, has nonetheless begun to chafe at the civilian government's assertiveness. Last week, army chief Gen Raheel Sharif, who is not related to the prime minister, showed a flash of irritation during a visit to a military base, saying the army would 'preserve its own dignity and institutional pride at all costs'."
    The dispatch said, "The comment by the normally taciturn general was the clearest signal yet of tension between the military and Sharif's government, which won a strong electoral mandate last year but is still widely seen as serving at the pleasure of the military establishment...
    "The developments present a dilemma for the United States, which is eager to see Sharif's government implement democratic reforms, tackle withering economic and energy crises and improve relations with Pakistan's nuclear-armed rival, India.
    "At the same time, many in the Obama administration support the Pakistani army's desire to go after militants in the country's ungoverned tribal regions, particularly as the Pentagon prepares to withdraw most of its forces from neighbouring Afghanistan by the end of the year."
    US military officials fear that the troop drawdown will give the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, or TTP, more freedom to move in and out of Afghanistan. The Pakistani military has occasionally signaled that it would launch an offensive, it said, but Moeed Yusuf, director of South Asia programmes at the United States Institute of Peace, a nonpartisan Washington think tank, was cited as saying that wouldn't occur without the backing of civilian officials.
    "If you ask Washington and others, they would say the focus needs to be developing a coherent strategy for targeting the TTP," Yusuf said. "But nobody would want the operation undertaken without civilian blessing and control. The Pakistani military won't do it; they want the political cover."
    The LA Times said, "There are signs that Sharif's approach has limits, particularly as talks with militants have stalled. On the all-important issue of India, Sharif has deferred to the military, which is opposed to making swift concessions to its rival. Last month, Sharif's government called off a deal that would have normalized trade between the countries." "Pakistan's approach to India, despite the initial declarations of Nawaz Sharif after his election victory last summer, remains essentially the same," an unnamed senior Indian official was quoted as saying.
    Civilian officials have often invoked the example of Turkey, where over the last decade a powerful army has ceded authority to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's democratically elected government. But military officials say that Erdogan, who took office in 2003, carried out the transition gradually and won confidence through his handling of economic and domestic affairs, qualities Pakistan's government has yet to show.
    "Our ruling party has been trying to do in the first year of its term what Erdogan's government succeeded in doing after three terms," Athar Abbas, a retired major general and former army spokesman, was quoted as saying.
    "The army has been fighting the war of survival of this nation," he said. "It will react to any effort to corner it or discredit it."



  • #2
    Pakistan's government pushes back against the long-powerful military

    Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's assertiveness against the Pakistani military presents a dilemma for the United States.

    By Aoun Sahi and Shashank Bengali April 18, 2014, 5:00 a.m.

    ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — For most of Pakistan's history, the powerful military has held sway over elected officials or simply dumped them from power. Just ask Nawaz Sharif, who was ousted as prime minister in the last military coup, 15 years ago.
    Lately, however, a new civilian government is pushing back — led by Sharif. Since he returned to office in June, his government has lodged a case against generals over the disappearance of imprisoned militants and engaged Pakistani Taliban insurgents in a controversial peace process against the army's wishes.
    Most recently, Sharif has gone after the man who removed him from power in 1999, Pervez Musharraf. Last month the former military ruler was indicted on treason charges, the first time a serving or former army official of his rank has faced trial for abuse of power. The government and courts have denied the ailing Musharraf's appeals to seek medical treatment abroad.
    The military, which has been trying to stay out of politics since Musharraf's rule ended in disaster in 2008, has nonetheless begun to chafe at the civilian government's assertiveness. Last week, army chief Gen. Raheel Sharif, who is not related to the prime minister, showed a flash of irritation during a visit to a military base, saying the army would "preserve its own dignity and institutional pride at all costs."
    The comment by the normally taciturn general was the clearest signal yet of tension between the military and Sharif's government, which won a strong electoral mandate last year but is still widely seen as serving at the pleasure of the military establishment.
    "The military leadership was under the impression that the civilian government and the judiciary would not cross red lines in Musharraf's case and that he would be allowed to travel abroad after his indictment," said a senior security official in Islamabad, the capital, who requested anonymity to discuss the generals' thinking.
    "A pressure has developed within the institution that the army is being discredited by the civilian government."
    The developments present a dilemma for the United States, which is eager to see Sharif's government implement democratic reforms, tackle withering economic and energy crises and improve relations with Pakistan's nuclear-armed rival, India.
    At the same time, many in the Obama administration support the Pakistani army's desire to go after Islamist militants in the country's ungoverned tribal regions, particularly as the Pentagon prepares to withdraw most of its forces from neighboring Afghanistan by the end of the year.
    U.S. military officials fear that the troop drawdown will give the Pakistani Taliban, known in Urdu as Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, or TTP, more freedom to move in and out of Afghanistan. The Pakistani military has occasionally signaled that it would launch an offensive, but Moeed Yusuf, director of South Asia programs at the United States Institute of Peace, a nonpartisan Washington think tank, said that wouldn't occur without the backing of civilian officials.
    "If you ask Washington and others, they would say the focus needs to be developing a coherent strategy for targeting the TTP," Yusuf said. "But nobody would want the operation undertaken without civilian blessing and control. The Pakistani military won't do it; they want the political cover."
    Musharraf, he added, is a "distraction at best." The 70-year-old former strongman, once a key ally in the George W. Bush administration's anti-terrorism efforts, returned from exile last year in a bid to restart his political career but immediately found himself facing charges stemming from the end of his nine-year rule, during which he imposed a state of emergency and removed senior judges.
    An elected government led by Asif Ali Zardari, widower of slain former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, took power after Musharraf resigned in disgrace. When Sharif became prime minister in June, it marked the first stable transition between democratic governments in Pakistan's history.
    "This is a unique phase in our country," said Amir Mateen, a political analyst in Islamabad. But he said Sharif needed to proceed more cautiously. "The changing equation in the civil-military relationship needs to be done in a very cordial way."
    There are signs that Sharif's approach has limits, particularly as talks with militants have stalled. On the all-important issue of India, Sharif has deferred to the military, which is opposed to making swift concessions to its rival. Last month, Sharif's government called off a deal that would have normalized trade between the countries.
    "Pakistan's approach to India, despite the initial declarations of Nawaz Sharif after his election victory last summer, remains essentially the same," said a senior Indian official who wasn't authorized to be quoted by name.
    Civilian officials have often invoked the example of Turkey, where over the last decade a powerful army has ceded authority to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's democratically elected government. But military officials say that Erdogan, who took office in 2003, carried out the transition gradually and won confidence through his handling of economic and domestic affairs, qualities Pakistan's government has yet to show.
    "Our ruling party has been trying to do in the first year of its term what Erdogan's government succeeded in doing after three terms," said Athar Abbas, a retired major general and former army spokesman.
    "The army has been fighting the war of survival of this nation," he said. "It will react to any effort to corner it or discredit it."


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    • #3



      US unlikely to renew aid to Pak under Kerry-Lugar-Berman Bill


      Press Trust of India | Washington April 23, 2014 Last Updated at 12:46 IST



      The Obama Administration is unlikely to renew financial assistance to Pakistan under the Kerry-Lugar-Berman Bill when its five-year term expires in October this year, but the robust civilian aid is expected to continue, albeit in reduced quantity.

      The civilian aid worth USD 4.1 billion has been actually provided to Pakistan so far of the USD 7.5 billion (USD 1.5 billion per annum) for the five-year period 2009-2014, that was authorised by the Congress under the Bill - also known as the Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act - that was signed into law by US President Barack Obama in October 2009, according to figures accessed by PTI.

      While there is no official word on the future of the Bill from the US government as it comes to an end in October this year, all indications are that the piece of legislation which five years ago was billed as "landmark" and reflective of the long-term US commitment to Pakistan has served its purpose in strengthening of democratic institutions, education and civil society and does not need to be renewed, as initially planned.

      The Bill has set the stage for a longer term cooperation between the two countries, it is being argued.

      The change in plan is partly due to the repeated insistence of the Pakistan government led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif that his country wants "trade and not aid", partly by the implementation constraints there and also by America's own budgetary constraints and of late the need to find funds for new crisis areas like Ukraine and Syria.

      This was indicated a few weeks ago when a powerful Congressional committee cut USD 10 million from the Bill for Ukraine, after Russia annexed Crimea through military intervention.

      The House of Representatives and the Senate, however, did not approve diversion of this fund from Pakistan.

      Authoritative figures available with PTI indicate that the civilian aid appropriated to Pakistan during these five years period (2009-2014) touched the USD 1.5 billion mark only once.

      In the fiscal year 2010, beginning October 2009, the US appropriated USD 1.515 billion worth of civilian assistance to Pakistan, that came down to USD 1.086 billion in 2011; which dropped to USD 944.5 million in 2012; USD 791 million in 2013 and further to USD 648 million in the current fiscal of 2014.

      However, the actual amount spent was much less.

      In the five years (2009-2014) of the Kerry-Lugar-Berman Bill, the actual US civilian assistance to Pakistan was USD 4.1 billion. This includes roughly USD 1 billion of humanitarian assistance following the floods of 2010.

      The remaining portions of the Bill will be spent after 2014.

      The Obama Administration, however, is expected to continue its long-term commitment to Pakistan which would be reflected in the continuation of civilian aid, albeit much less than it is currently now.

      The Obama Administration is unlikely to renew financial assistance to Pakistan under the Kerry-Lugar-Berman Bill when its five-year term expires in October this year, but the robust civilian aid is expected to continue, albeit in reduced quantity. The civilian aid worth USD 4.1 billion has been actually provided to Pakistan so far of the USD 7.5 billion (USD 1.5 billion per annum) for the five-year period 2009-2014, that was authorised by the Congress under the Bill - also known as the Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act - that was signed into law by US President Barack Obama in October 2009, according to figures accessed by PTI. While there is no official word on the future of the Bill from the US government as it comes to an end in October this year, all indications are that the piece of legislation which five years ago was billed as "landmark" and reflective of the long-term US commitment to Pakistan has served its purpose in strengthening of democratic institutions, education ...

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