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Atrocities of talibans against swati women

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  • Atrocities of talibans against swati women

    We write here some of the stories the women of Swat told us. They come from Kabbal, Mingawera (Mingora), Qambar, Kanju and other parts of Swat. Some are from Buner and Maidan in Lower Dir. Their lives were affected in many more ways than the lives of their men.

    When we entered the large tent a few women looked up and smiled. Some got up and put out their hands to greet us. They seemed surprised that we could converse in the same language. "Sit down. We can't even offer you tea" said one laughing, "look at us and what we have been reduced to." Their children were lying on the floor, red because of the heat, tired and listless in the hot air of the fans. The women had been sitting in silence before we went in. We could hear no noise from the tent which was full of about forty women and children. What could they share with each other? Each story was the same as the other. It was a pall of misery and silences that hung over their heads. These women were lucky; they had a common place to come to, out of their tents. In most camps, the women sit in the heat of the tents, not being allowed to go out. They wait for their men to come before they can use the toilets. Their children defecate outside the tents as they cannot take them to the toilets. In some schools, they feed their children first and, at times, do not eat.

    One by one they spoke their ordeal, their flight from the bombing, the endless days of walking with children and the elderly and the dead they had left behind. Soon each one wanted to tell her story. They sat closer and closer to us, listening to the others and telling us about themselves. Most of them had fled from Mingawera and other places in Swat--walking for days, avoiding the curfew by moving off the roads and taking to the mountains to walk, walking day and night; hiding their sons in trucks for fear that the Talibs would take them away to fight. One woman had walked for nine days with three children under ten. We cannot recall the number of women who told us about how their homes were shelled and how they had buried their dead without bathing them, in hurriedly dug graves. One had lost her baby on the way down, had dug a ditch beside the road, torn off part of her chadar, wrapped her child in it and buried her in the ditch. She walked on, to save what was left, her own life. Another spoke of how in the madness of the bombing, she had asked her husband to pick up her baby from the bed. When they were out of the village, the husband realized he had picked up the pillow and left the six month old child behind. They still kept walking.

    Another woman spoke of how they were eating peacefully when a mortar had hit her house. The word 'mortar' was a regular part of their conversation. 'Matr' and 'karpee' which we finally realised was 'curfew.' Another told us how her neighbours' home was shelled. Four men had died on the spot. People had run helter-skelter. The helicopter passed and the men ran and started digging graves to bury the dead before fleeing the village. They told the women to collect what they could and the women started to round up their children. As the men dug, the helicopter returned to shell. The men left the bodies and ran for cover. The helicopter fired again and flew past. The men returned and dug what they could and dumped the bodies into the graves.

    Another woman in a school camp spoke of how her family had left food in their plates and hot tea in their cups when the shelling began. She was brave and then her brown eyes filled with tears and she said 'my young son, he was in class ten, was hit on the back of his head and he died. I lost my young son' and then her tears flowed. The others sat looking at her, thinking of their own miseries. We sat in silence, nobody consoling, and nobody talking. 'At least they should have told us, why did they not tell us they were going to bomb?' She wiped her eyes hurriedly and continued to talk. 'They are beasts these Taliban. They are not human. May God finish them all like they have finished us.' We were surprised, surprised that her anger turned to the Taliban when her son was killed by military shelling. She was a strong woman and continued to talk with a vengeance. 'May God punish these animals for what they have done to us. I hope the army finishes every last one of them.'

    From one place to another, from one tent and school to another, we heard them tell us how they were unable to leave their homes for fear of being beaten or killed or flogged, how their men had been dragged out of their homes and slaughtered. One of the men said he lived on the chowk where the Taliban slaughtered people. He told us how they walked into homes and led out their victims in silence. He told us of the sounds he heard when these men were slaughtered, like cattle, on the chowk.

    Each woman talked of the slaughter of men, whether they had been through it or whether they had heard it – it had terrorised them into silence and acquiescence. They also spoke of how 'disgraced' they felt as they fled with only a dupatta on. One of them laughed and said: "Burqa, burqa, which is all we heard in Swat but when we ran we were hardly covered [with burqas] and the whole world was looking at us." The men did not think this was funny. The humiliation they felt at this had outraged them – the humiliation at their women being in these camps, being seen by other men, the humiliation of standing in line for food. Perhaps that is why there were so many children standing in line for food at the camps.

    In one of the schools, a group of women led us to meet their friend. She could not speak because she could not stop crying. They kept saying 'Show them; show them what they did to you.' She was a widow and the Taliban had taken her 12 year old son away to join them. The women said that they used to come to all their homes and ask for their sons. They were too scared to resist. Some boys were taken by force, others went themselves, and others simply disappeared from madressahs. The widow had gone and taken her son back from the madressah. They had come into her house, taken all her jewellry and cut of all her hair. She cried for her own humiliation and did not speak a word. Women from Buner spoke of how the Taliban had no respect for the Pakhtun way of life, for Islam or for women. How they would enter any house they wanted, whether to take away their sons or to take refuge. They spoke of incidents of the younger women being raped, after which their breasts were cut off. They told us how their men were beheaded and hung from electricity poles with their chopped off heads placed between their legs. They would leave notes on these bodies for no one to touch.

    So why did they let this happen? Why could they not get together to stop it? We repeatedly asked them this. Who ARE these people? This is when the admittance came. They were honest, honest about the power of Mullah Radio and his constituency of women listeners. "There was peace in Swat. Shut in their homes many women listened to 'Raidu Mullah.' He addressed them directly. "He used to talk about Islam, about praying five times a day, about going to the madressah and learning the Quran. We all thought he was a good man." As his popularity grew, women would line up outside his madrassah and donate. They donated whatever little jewelry they had. Even the poorest women would donate her nose-pins.

    This captive, gullible audience, shut in their homes became the main source of Mullah Radio's power and support. They encouraged their sons to join his madrassah. They provided the Taliban with a ready following. They provided them their sons which they soon realised were fodder, fodder for suicide bombings and 'jihad.' It was only when they realised and resisted this that the Taliban turned on their own people. "They would knock at our doors, and would say, 'give us your sons in the name of Islam'. Those who resisted were slaughtered."

    Many said their families approached the army and the government for help. But nobody listened. A few said that anyone who informed the army did not live long. They kept quiet. Even today parts of their areas where the Taliban have fled to are not known to the army. They will not speak. Suddenly in a fit of rage one of them started shouting: "Where were this army and this government when our people have been relating these incidents to them for almost two years?" This is only a question to be answered by those responsible for what is happening to our people today.

    "We have been fooled. We have been fooled by the Taliban, the Army and the government. We knew two years ago that this was not Islam but nobody would help us. Why did the army not do something two years when the Taliban were fewer in number and that when they could be controlled? When they knew exactly where they were. What is the reason for their friendship with these animals? Where were this army and this government when we were screaming for help and going to them?"

    What answer can one give to these poor, helpless women? Who is going to be held accountable for the violence they have suffered. Their questions can only be answered by those who know what they have done. And if they do not answer them in this world, they will for sure answer them in the next.

    This is an abridged version of a report by AIRRA (Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy) based in Peshawar, whose members travelled to the IDP camps for these interviews.

  • #2
    Lets go back to past and revise the story of swat.

    Comment


    • #3
      Local Residents Tacitly Approve of Swat Killings

      PESHAWAR, Pakistan, Oct 1, 2009 (IPS) - Widespread reports of extrajudicial killings of suspected Taliban by the military do not seem to have raised alarm bells among a people that have been deeply traumatized by the militant group's atrocities.

      A number of residents of the Swat valley in the northeastern part of the South Asian nation – where the militant group had long held sway — have expressed support for the army, which has been held responsible for the mass killings of alleged members of the militant group.

      "They deserve much harsher treatment," said one of them.

      Swat is the administrative district in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) of Pakistan that had been captured by the Taliban until the insurgents were annihilated by the Pakistan army in July.

      "These militants have slaughtered at least 100 innocent people, including women. All the people they killed were true Muslims," said Shah Ali Khan, a political leader in Swat. "They deserve this tit-for-tat response."

      Other officials have echoed this sentiment.

      "The militants don’t need any sympathy. They have destroyed 200 schools, 500 music shops, and had killed dozens of women for venturing out of their homes," said Mian Iftikhar Hussain, a senior leader of the ruling Awami National Party in the NWFP and the Province's Information Minister. "The people want the government to eliminate them anyway."

      A local Swat official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that the beheading of a police official in Sangota, Mingora in the district of Swat, on July 28 was a clear example of how brutal the Taliban are. "Due to their execution of a soldier, they are further inviting the wrath of the army," he said.

      Residents still vividly recall the gruesome videos of the Taliban circulated in Swat in April. One of these depicted the beheading of law enforcers before young recruits who were apparently being forced into submission by being shown these images. Other videos showed similarly horrifying acts, which are still fresh in the minds of the people.

      Although the Taliban are no longer around to sow terror, and some of their leaders have been arrested or killed, fear still looms large over Swat.

      "Taliban have now completely been eliminated from Swat. They are on the run. The people are also forming Lashkars (armed groups) to counter the Taliban," Hussain told IPS.

      The people have reason to fear, he said, adding that the Taliban have broken all records of atrocities during their one-year control of Swat.

      Now that the dark days of Taliban reign are over, human rights advocates are training the spotlight on the government troops. The Pakistan army has come under scathing criticism for the merciless killings of suspected militants in the once Taliban-infested Swat valley.

      "We have documented evidence of extrajudicial killings by the security forces in Swat. Not only videos and eyewitness accounts, but there are mass graves," said Asma Jehangir, chairperson of the independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP).

      Newspapers carry daily reports of bodies of alleged Taliban insurgents scattered in Swat or hanging from electricity posts.

      In a telephone interview with IPS from Lahore, Jehangir said that a fact-finding mission of the HRCP dispatched in August to embattled Swat found a number of mass graves stuffed with dead bodies of the Taliban.

      The HRCP’s three-day mission found at least one dead body in Kookarai village in Babozai tehsil of Swat district and another in an area between Dewlai and Shah Dheri in Kabal tehsil. Citing eyewitness accounts of dead bodies being dumped in the fields, the report said that in some cases, the bodies appeared to be those of Taliban militants. It added that 18 to 21 bullet-riddled bodies had been found in Swat during the past few weeks.

      The HRCP has expressed grave concern over the "worrying development" and over credible reports of numerous extrajudicial killings and reprisals being carried out by government security forces.

      Army spokesperson Maj. Gen. Athar Abbas vehemently denied the allegations leveled against the security forces carrying out the operations in Swat and Malakand Division, which comprises the district.

      But eyewitness accounts may be hard to dispute.

      Between late August and early September, villagers found a total of 84 dead bodies of suspected Taliban members, including a known commander of the group. The army described them as victims of ‘revenge killings’ by civilians.

      In mid-September, Sher Mohammad Qasab, one of 15 Taliban ‘commanders’ carrying a head money of 200,000 U.S. dollars, was captured in Swat and killed the next day.

      The already long list of militants allegedly killed by the army is still expanding.

      The international lobby group said ‘Taliban justice’ has been rightly condemned for its brutal and arbitrary nature and was crucial in helping turn the public opinion against the extremists." It stressed, however, that military operations against terrorism must be distinguished from the atrocities committed by the Taliban.

      "Treatment of individuals by government must aspire to a higher standard," said HRCP’s Jehangir. "Human rights violations by security forces can only be discouraged if the State puts in place a transparent mechanism to monitor violations both during and post-conflict (situations), and fulfills its obligation of providing justice through due process."

      Abbas concedes that "indeed extrajudicial killings are a heinous crime and even the most barbarous of criminals deserve a fair trial.

      "However, it is intriguing, that one did not hear even a squeak from the HRCP when the miscreants, who intimidated the lives of the people of Swat, challenged the writ of the state, forcibly took young men from every home to be enlisted as terrorists and suicide bombers, launched a reign of terror in the whole country," the official was quoted as saying in an interview on television.

      Many Taliban, along with members of the notorious Islamist group Al-Qaeda, came to Pakistan in 2001 when they were forced to flee Kabul, the capital of Afghanistan, by the U.S.-led forces, which accused them of carrying out the Sep. 11 attacks in New York and Washington.

      Most of the Taliban crossed over to the Pakistan’s side of the 2,400-kilometre border, and took refuge in the sprawling Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA), where they continued attacking the Pakistan forces.

      FATA lies between the Pakistan-Afghanistan border and is adjacent to the settled areas of NWFP. It is directly governed by the federal government although it is located close to the NWFP.

      In 2007, Taliban spilled over to the NWFP, and began blowing up schools and commercial establishments, and barring women from schools and bazaars. In Apr. 2008, Swat – which is one of the NWFP’s 24 districts – had completely fallen into the hands of the Taliban.

      During their reign, women found in public places unaccompanied by a close male relative were subjected to whipping as a punishment. The severe restrictions imposed on women during the Taliban regime were widely condemned around the world.

      On May 21, the NWFP government signed an agreement with the Taliban seeking to implement Islamic law in Swat. However, the militants, instead of waiting for the government to put in place a new Islamic Sharia system, extended their barbaric acts to the nearby Buner district, prompting the National Assembly to order a decisive military operation in Swat.

      About 3.5 million people displaced during the Taliban reign from Swat, Buner and the adjacent districts were asked to leave the 25 camps established by United Nations in Mardan, Peshawar, Swabi and Charsadda districts before the launch of the military operations on May 27.

      On July 18, the army announced the end of their operations and instructed the people to return to their homes, signaling the end of Taliban rule.

      http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=48675


      Comment


      • #4
        A true story of Taliban's atrocities in Swat: Persecution of the PPP supporters by the Mullah-Military Alliance in Pakistan


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        ’فوج مدد کرتی توماں، شوہر، بیٹا زندہ ہوتے‘


        عبدالحئی کاکڑ
        بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام، پشاور





        ’فوج کو خبر ہونے تک طالبان گھر کا محاصرہ کر چکے تھے‘


        پاکستان کے قبائلی علاقوں اور صوبہ سرحد میں پچھلے کئی سالوں سے جاری تشدد کی لہر نے نہ صرف لوگوں کے ذہنوں میں ملک کی ’سلامتی‘ کے بارے میں خدشات پیدا کیے ہیں بلکہ اس کی کھوکھ سے جنم لینے والے المیے متاثرہ افراد کی زندگیوں کے ساتھ ہمیشہ کے لیے نتھی ہو چکے ہیں۔ طالبان اور سکیورٹی فورسز کے مابین جاری لڑائی سے جنم لینے والے انسانی المیوں کے مختلف پہلووں کو صحافت کے تنگ دامن میں یا تو سرے سے جگہ ہی نہیں مل سکی اور اگر ملی بھی تو اس طرح نہیں جس طرح سے یہ واقعات رونما ہوئے اور یوں حقیقی کہانیاں صحافتی مقابلے کی دوڑ کے ملبے میں کہیں دفن ہوگئیں۔
        پشاور میں بی بی سی کے نامہ نگار عبدالحئی کاکڑ جنگ زدہ افراد یا خاندانوں پر بیتی ہوئی انہی کہانیوں کی کھوج میں ہیں جنہیں بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام ایک سیریز کی صورت میں شائع کر رہی ہے۔ اس سلسلے کی پہلی کہانی۔

        بی بی مہینہ، محلہ سلینڈ کوز شور، تحصیل مٹہ، سوات


        ہمارا خاندانی تعلق پیپلز پارٹی سے ہے۔ میرے دیور محمد شیر خان پیپلز پارٹی سوات کے نائب صدر ہیں۔ طالبان نے جب سوات پر کنٹرول حاصل کیا تو ہمارے خاندان نے یہ کہہ کر ان کو ماننے سے انکار کر دیا کہ یہاں پر صرف حکومت کی ہی عملداری ہوگی۔ یہاں سے ہمارے اور طالبان کے درمیان جھگڑا شروع ہوا۔ انہوں نے پہلے میرے دیور محمد شیر خان پر عید کے دن حملہ کیا جس میں وہ زخمی ہوگئے۔ چھ مہینے کے بعد تئیس جون دو ہزار آٹھ کو انہوں نے میرے ایک اور دیور منیر خان کے گھر میں اس وقت دستی بم پھینکا جب وہ اپنے کمرے میں سو رہے تھے۔ اس حملے میں وہ ہلاک ہوگئے۔
        میرے شوہر عبدالکبیر خان اور میرا بیٹا محمد علی خان اگلے دن شام کو فاتحہ خوانی سے واپس آ رہے تھے کہ گھر کے دروازے پر پہنچتے ہی طالبان نے ان پر حملہ کردیا۔ وہ جلدی سے گھر میں داخل ہوگئے۔ اس وقت میں نے دروازے کو تالا لگا دیا۔ طالبان نے ہم پر فائرنگ شروع کردی۔ گھر میں میری والدہ ، شوہر، بیٹا، بہو اور ان کے پانچ بچے تھے۔
        میں نے بھاگ کر اسلحہ نکالا اور اپنے شوہر اور بیٹے کے حوالے کردیا۔ میرے شوہر نے پہلے فوجیوں کو فون کیا اور پھر دوسرے حکومتی اہلکاروں اور رشتہ داروں کو۔ مگر اس وقت تک طالبان چاروں طرف سے ہمارے مکان کا محاصرہ کر چکے تھے۔ وہ ہلکے ہتھیاروں سے فائرنگ کرتے اور دستی بم پھینکتے رہے۔ انہوں نے صحن میں تیرہ چودہ دستی بم پھینکے جو پھٹ گئے لیکن ہمیں کوئی جانی نقصان نہیں پہنچا۔
        اگر فوج اور اڑوس پڑوس کے لوگ ہماری تھوڑی بھی مدد کرتے تو آج میرا شوہر، بیٹا اور ماں زندہ ہوتیں۔اگر دو بندے تقریباً چودہ گھنٹے تک بھاری اور ہلکے اسلحوں سے لیس طالبان کی مزاحمت کر سکتے ہیں تو فوج اور مقامی لوگوں کی مدد سے انہیں شکست بھی دی جا سکتی تھی۔
        بی بی مہینہ


        ہمارے گھر میں بندوقیں، کلاشنکوف اور پستول موجود تھے اور میرا شوہر اور بیٹا کبھی بندوق تو کبھی پستول سے فائرنگ کرتے تاکہ طالبان کواس دھوکے میں رکھیں کہ گھر میں مردوں کی تعداد زیادہ ہے۔ فائرنگ کی آوازوں سے بچے بہت زیادہ رو رہے تھے اور ہم نے انہیں باورچی خانے منتقل کردیاجو قدرے محفوظ جگہ تھی۔
        میں اور میری بہو میگزین میں کارتوس بھر بھر کر میرے شوہر اور بیٹے کو دیتے رہے۔رات کے دس بجے میری ماں کو سینے میں گولی لگی۔ میں لاچاری سے ان کے سرہانے کھڑی انہیں آخری سانسیں لیتے دیکھتی رہیں۔ میں ایک دفعہ ماں کے پاس آتی اور پھر بھاگ کر میگزین لوڈ کر کے انہیں شوہر اور بیٹے تک پہنچاتی ۔ وہ تقریباً دو گھنٹے کے بعد مرگئیں، مرنے کے بعد میں نے انہیں سیدھا لٹاکر ان پر کمبل ڈال دیااور باہر نکل آئی۔
        گولیوں کی اتنی بوچھاڑ تھی کہ ایک آدھ دفعہ تو گولیاں میرے پائنچوں سے ہوتی ہوئی باہر کو نکلیں۔رات گہری ہوتی گئی۔ میرا شوہر اور بیٹا مزاحمت کرتے رہے۔صبح کے چار بجے مجھے باورچی خانے سے’آہ‘ کی آواز آئی۔ میں نے آواز دی کیا ہوا تو شوہر نے کہا ’مجھے گولی لگ گئی ہے‘۔ انہیں پیٹ میں گولی لگی تھی۔ میں ان کے پاس جاکر بیٹھ گئی۔ میرے پاس علاج کا کوئی وسیلہ نہیں تھا اور نہ ہی مجھے کسی چیز کی سمجھ آرہی تھی۔
        مہینہ بی بی اپنے پوتے اور پوتیوں کے ہمراہ باہر نکل گئیں


        کچھ دیر بعد میرا بیٹا بھی باورچی خانے میں داخل ہوا اور جب اس نے اپنے والد کو زخمی حالت میں دیکھا تو وہ بھی حوصلہ ہار بیٹھا۔ اس نے اپنے والد سے کہا کہ ’میں بھی جیتے جی خود کو طالبان کے حوالے نہیں کروں گا۔ میں صحن کے بیچ میں جا کر ان کی گولیوں کا نشانہ بننا چاہتا ہوں‘۔ یہ سن کر میں نے اس سے کہا کہ ’بیٹے حوصلہ مت ہارو، وہ ویسے ہی تمہیں مار دیں گے آخر کب تک مزاحمت کر پاؤ گے، تم نے آخری دم تک لڑنا ہے مگر خدارا بیٹے میری آنکھوں سے اوجھل ہوجاؤ تا کہ میں تمہیں گولی لگتے دیکھ نہ سکوں۔‘ میں اپنی ماں اور شوہر کے بعد اپنے بیٹے کو اپنی آنکھوں کے سامنے مرتے ہوئے نہیں دیکھ سکتی۔
        اس نے حوصلہ پا کر پھر فائرنگ شروع کردی۔ تقریباً ایک گھنٹے تک میں اپنے شوہر کے ساتھ بیٹھی رہی۔ ہم نے زیادہ باتیں نہیں کیں۔ انہوں نے صرف اتنا کہا کہ ’غیرت ایک ہی دن دکھائی جاتی ہے روز روز نہیں۔ اگر تم لوگ زندہ بچ گئے تو بچوں کا خیال رکھنا‘۔ تھوڑی دیر بعد وہ فوت ہوگئے۔
        ابھی میں ان کو سنبھال ہی رہی تھی کہ باورچی خانے کے دوسرے حصے سے بم دھماکے کی آواز آئی۔ میں نے بھاگ کر دیکھا تو میرا بیٹا دستی بم کا نشانہ بن گیا تھا۔( اس وقت بی بی مہینہ کی آواز حلق میں اٹک گئی اور انہوں نے پانی پینے کے بعد اپنی کہانی پھر شروع کی) ۔ کچھ ہی دیر بعد نقاب پوش طالبان اندر آگئے۔ انہوں نے ہم سے باہر نکل جانے کو کہا۔ انہوں نے ہماری آنکھوں کے سامنے ہمارے کپڑے نکال کر انہیں آگ لگا دی۔ سونا نکال کر چرایا۔ میں، میری بہو اور پانچ چھوٹے چھوٹے بچے لاشیں چھوڑ کر گھر سے نکل آئے اور قریب ہی واقع اپنے دیور کے گھر چلے گئے۔ کچھ دور چل کر میں نے پیچھے مڑ کر دیکھا تو ہمارا مکان شعلوں کی لپیٹ میں تھا۔اگلے دن انہوں نے ہمارے دوسرے دیور کے گھر کو بھی بارودی مواد سے اڑا دیا۔
        میرے ذہن میں ہر وقت مزاحمت والی رات کے مناظر گردش کرتے ہیں۔ کبھی کبھار چیخ کر نیند سے بیدار ہوجاتی ہوں۔ میرے پاس شوہر اور بیٹے کی تصویریں ہیں جنہیں کبھی کبھار اٹھا کر تکتی رہتی ہوں۔
        بی بی مہینہ


        میرے شوہر کے علاوہ میں نے خود بھی فوجیوں کو فون کیا۔ ہمارے گھر کے سامنے فوجیوں کی ایک چوکی بھی ہے جنہوں نے ہماری مدد کے لیے ایک گولی بھی نہیں چلائی۔ طالبان نے ایکسچینج پر قبضہ کر کے فون کا نظام منقطع کردیا۔ ہمارے پڑوسیوں کو کہا گیا تھا کہ وہ ہماری مدد کو آنے کی کوشش نہ کریں۔ اگر فوج اور اڑوس پڑوس کے لوگ ہماری تھوڑی بھی مدد کرتے تو آج میرا شوہر، بیٹا اور ماں زندہ ہوتیں۔ اگر دو بندے تقریباً چودہ گھنٹے تک بھاری اور ہلکے اسلحوں سے لیس طالبان کی مزاحمت کر سکتے ہیں تو فوج اور مقامی لوگوں کی مدد سے انہیں شکست بھی دی جا سکتی تھی۔
        ہم اب سوات سے نکل آئے ہیں اور واپسی کا کوئی امکان نہیں ہے کیونکہ وہاں پر اب طالبان موجود ہیں۔ میرے ذہن میں ہر وقت مزاحمت والی رات کے مناظر گردش کرتے ہیں۔ کبھی کبھار چیخ کر نیند سے بیدار ہوجاتی ہوں۔ میرے پاس شوہر اور بیٹے کی تصویریں ہیں جنہیں کبھی کبھار اٹھا کر تکتی رہتی ہوں






        Comment


        • #5
          Nicely done...now let me add some

          PAKISTAN: Fingers point towards the armed forces for the murder of journalist Musa Khankhel

          PAKISTAN: Fingers point towards the armed forces for the murder of journalist Musa Khankhel

          The world was reminded of the tragic paradoxes that take place daily in Pakistan, when a young journalist was kidnapped and executed last month while covering a march for peace. Mr. Musa Khankhel, journalist and correspondent of Geo Television disappeared on February 18, while covering a procession led by Maulana Sufi Mohammad, a religious leader in Swat, in the NWF province. The procession was to celebrate a peace agreement with the government which would see Islamic Sharia laws implemented in the valley. He was 28 years old and had been threatened several times by government security forces for his steadfast independent reporting. He had also been kidnapped and tortured twice before by security forces. As a journalist he was not popular among militant groups either, including the Taliban and the group lead by Maulana Soofi Mohammad, Tehrik Nifa-1Shariat Mohammadi (TNSM).

          After his body had turned up in the Matta sub district, the government, TNSM and the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) announced the formation of probe committees into his death. No one laid claim to the murder. The government assigned the Inspector General of police in the province to investigate the incident, but neither he nor Maulana s committee has reported any findings so far. Only the probe committee of PFUJ appears to have started a concrete investigation, and Mr. Mohammad Riaz, the chief of the PFUJ committee, has visited the area. He reports that the atmosphere there is tense and few civilians are willing to discuss Khankhel's death; they are scared of harassment from both the sides, the militants and the security forces. The latter are known to brutally and often arbitrarily mete out punishment in the more remote parts of the country, and disappearances here are not uncommon. There are also no police in the area. Without committed government intervention – a high judicial commission - to probe the killings, Riaz says, it will not be possible to unearth the truth . Information gathered by the AHRC points, increasingly, at Pakistan's wayward security forces for the murder.

          On the day he was murdered, friends and relatives say that Khankhel mentioned hearing that 'today one journalist may be killed', through sources in the security agencies stationed in the war zone. Because of this he told prominent senior journalist and anchor person, Mr.Hamid Mir, to be extremely careful, should he choose to visit the area. Mir remembers Khankel telling him: 'you will watch the scenes of destruction in civilian residential areas of Kabal. You will show live destroyed homes and mosques, and people will equate your coverage with the bombing of Gaza by Israelis. You will become a security risk and they will kill you in the name of national interest. And the blame will be placed at Taliban s door.' Tragically, Khankel had not realised that he was the journalist in question.

          Khankhel had survived two assassination attempts last year, both times, he said, by the security forces. In November he was kidnapped and tortured for two days in custody, and was told that should he continue his investigations, his family members would be killed. He later told Mir, his colleague, that 'some elements in the security forces want to eliminate me physically, due to my reporting'. The journalist's younger brother, Essa Khankhel, also a journalist, told the AHRC that his brother had managed to record a death threat from one security officer in the past.

          The AHRC has learned that the day before his assassination, Khankhel was stopped and threatened by security persons at a press conference held by Mr. Bashir Bilour, the senior minister of the NWF Province. Bilour was giving a briefing on the peace pact between the provincial government and TNSM. One Major Farooq, of Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR), exchanged harsh words with Khankhel, and he was told to be careful when dealing with the armed forces.

          Reports from eye witnesses in the area, particularly shopkeepers from Matta (the sub-district in Swat from where he was abducted) have pointed out that there were a good number of security personnel around when Khankhel was taken. In Matta, Musa had visited a few shops and proceeded to a spot along the route of the procession. He was trying to hail a taxi when three persons carried him forcefully away.

          Provincial government ministers, including the spokespersons of Taliban Pakistan and TNSM, are all denying responsibility, and claiming that a 'third force' was involved. This 'third force', ministers concede quietly, means the armed forces. A top office bearer of the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists has observed that when the Taliban kills, they claim it openly. Hamid Mir has written several articles suggesting that his colleague was the target of the army.

          In the past year four journalists have been reportedly killed by the security forces in the Swat, twenty over the last two year period. Journalists, particularly reporting in the war torn NWFP on its destroyed houses, schools and hospitals, observe that security forces are generally hostile toward them, and each reporter has experiencing problems during investigations, some receiving death threats. The motive, as explained by the journalists, is to keep the reporters out of the area. Journalist Mr. Hameedullah s house was bombed on his return to his village on 5 January, 2009. They and other residents had been forced to evacuate the area on 28 December, when the army launched an offensive against the Taliban.

          Although there are conflicting reports about Khankhel's killing; most of the reports point in the same direction. After the war on terror , the impunity enjoyed by security agencies saw a dramatic rise in cases of torture, abduction, disappearance and the murder of government opponents. There are more than 4000 persons disappeared for their resistance to military operations in different part in the country, and the AHRC last year determined the existence of 52 clandestine detention centres. Still, unknown actors are publicly blamed for many of the area's most violent crimes.

          To specify a 'third force' and name it only in private, pays no tribute to the memory of Musa Khankhel, and to his family. Investigations into the torture and deaths of other journalists have sputtered and failed. Courage and an iron political will is needed from the government to tackle this blight in Pakistan: a corrupt, wayward and arbitrarily violent security force that has only been encouraged, rather than reined in, over the years. A high powered judicial commission must be formed to probe the murder, uncover the truth about the involvement of security agencies in the death of journalists, and to bring the perpetrators to justice. It must be shown that no one in Pakistan is above the law, in any part of the country.

          About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

          Asian Human Rights Commission
          19/F, Go-Up Commercial Building,
          998 Canton Road, Kowloon, Hongkong S.A.R.
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          Comment


          • #6
            Oh and here

            Army official calls Baitullah Mehsud, Fazlullah ‘patriots’

            By Hamid Mir

            ISLAMABAD: All main militant groups fighting in Fata, from South Waziristan to Bajaur and from Mohmand to the Khyber Agency, have contacted the government through different sources after the Mumbai bombings and have offered a ceasefire if the Pakistan Army also stops its operations.

            And as a positive sign that this ceasefire offer may be accepted, the Pakistan Army has, as a first step, declared before the media some notorious militant commanders, including Baitullah Mehsud and Maulvi Fazlullah, as “patriotic” Pakistanis.

            These two militant commanders are fighting the Army for the last four years and have invariably been accused of terrorism against Pakistan but the aftermath of the Mumbai carnage has suddenly turned terrorists into patriots.

            A top security official told a group of senior journalists on Saturday: “We have no big issues with the militants in Fata. We have only some misunderstandings with Baitullah Mehsud and Fazlullah. These misunderstandings could be removed through dialogue.”

            The Indian allegations against Pakistan have suddenly forced the military establishment in Pakistan to finally accept that they are not fighting an American war inside the Pakistani territory.

            On another level, the parliamentary leader of the 12 Fata members in the National Assembly, Munir Orakzai, has expressed optimism in this regard, saying: “I see a bright ray of peace in the tribal areas and if we come out of the American pressure, I can guarantee that there will be peace in the tribal areas in a few days and we will be ready to fight against India on the eastern border along with the Pakistan Army.”

            The change in the attitude of the Pakistani military establishment is remarkable. Thanks to India, the security officials, who used to criticise the Pakistani media, are now praising its role in the recent days, saying: “You have proven that you are patriotic Pakistanis.”

            Last year, the same officials were part of a decision to impose a ban on many Pakistani TV channels because of their alleged anti-state behaviour. Meanwhile, Army Chief Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani has made it clear to President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani that if India escalates tensions, then Pakistan has to move its troops from the tribal areas to the eastern borders and it would not be possible to continue the war against terrorism.

            Top military officials conveyed the same message to the media representatives on Saturday. It was learnt that Washington and London were very concerned over the rise of tension between the two nuclear powers.

            The Pakistan Army officials have been describing 48 hours as very important. These sources claimed on Sunday that the situation was now stabilising. A very responsible government official in Islamabad told this scribe on Sunday that nothing would happen in the next 24 hours. Some late night telephone calls made from Washington and London helped to cool down the temperature in New Delhi and Islamabad.

            Despite the assurances made by President Asif Zardari on sending a director of ISI to India for helping the Mumbai carnage investigations, it has also been decided by Islamabad that no ISI official will visit India, at least, in the next one week.

            On the domestic level, thanks to the uncalled for Indian allegations, some ministers of the Yousuf Raza Gilani cabinet got an opportunity to criticise their prime minister on his face for giving an assurance to India that the ISI chief will go to New Delhi without consulting even his cabinet colleagues.

            Angry ministers told Gilani clearly in Saturday’s cabinet meeting that his decision was not good and he should concentrate on “institutionalised decision-making” rather than going for solo flights in the future. Gilani was forced to change his decision. The cabinet, after discussing the Mumbai carnage and the Indian allegations in detail, also advised the prime minister that no ISI official should be sent to India in the near future.

            It was discussed in the meeting as to why the militants made a ridiculous demand of liberating the Hyderabad Deccan (Andhra Pradesh). This issue was never raised by any hardline Muslim militant in India or Pakistan in the past. Why did they not demand the liberation of Kashmir, which was the prime objective of banned Lashkar-e-Taiba in Pakistan?

            The Indian government claimed that these militants reached Gujarat from Karachi by boat through a 500-km sea route. Why did the Indian Navy fail to stop this boat? The cabinet unanimously agreed that Pakistan will not come under any Indian pressure but efforts will also be made to decrease tensions without annoying the public opinion.

            One minister was of the view that the Indian media war against Pakistan had helped Islamabad indirectly as the local media ignored all the domestic political issues and got involved in the tension created by India.

            National Assembly Speaker Dr Fehmida Mirza was the most disturbed soul in Islamabad because of the media war between India and Pakistan. She talked to some journalists and advised them not to instigate the public opinion against India because this tension could hurt economies of both countries.

            She fears a big conspiracy behind the Mumbai tragedy. She thinks that another attack like Mumbai will definitely create a war-like situation between the two neighbours. She is planning to call the Congress leader Sonia Gandhi and Indian President Pratibha Patel to remove doubts and misgivings between the two nations. She told me: “As a mother, I am thinking to make a mothers’ alliance between India and Pakistan. Let the mothers come out and stop their sons from fighting each other.”

            Army official calls Baitullah Mehsud, Fazlullah ‘patriots’
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            Comment


            • #7
              Here wali swat (btw ask anyone from malakand division, minus roedad Khan, there is no bigger pakistanae than Wali swat)

              DAWN.COM | Pakistan | Wali of Swat blames Taliban, govt for current situation

              ISLAMABAD: His family once ruled the Swat Valley. Now he can only watch as his beautiful ancestral homeland is torn apart by clashes between the Taliban and the Pakistani military — with millions of civilians forced to flee.

              'It's disgusting,’ says Miangul Aurangzeb, the 81-year-old Wali of Swat, who blames the military, the government, the Taliban and just about everyone else for the mess.

              ‘I wish there was no corruption in my country. I wish there was quick justice in my country. I wish the people had the sense to elect good people.’

              Aurangzeb was the heir apparent in Swat when it was one of the many princely states dotting South Asia. In 1969, more than two decades after Pakistan was carved out of India and both countries gained independence from Britain, Swat fully merged into greater Pakistan.

              Aurangzeb never got to rule Swat as the ‘wali,’ but says that under an agreement with the government in the 1990s, he was permitted to keep the honorific, although it comes with no power.

              While he used to split his time between Swat and Islamabad, the bald, bespectacled Aurangzeb is now staying in the Pakistani capital, where he keeps close tabs on the news and writes letters to editors about subjects that arouse his passions.

              His two-story house is modest and worn — not at all palatial — and it quietly blends in to a moderately upscale neighbourhood. Pictures of notables he's met, including the late John F. Kennedy and his wife Jacqueline, are prominently displayed inside.

              Aurangzeb is fortunate. Of the estimated 2.4 million people who have fled Swat and surrounding districts over the past month, hundreds of thousands are living in sweltering tent camps while many others are staying with struggling relatives and friends.

              It's a stunning turn of events for a region that was a crown jewel in Pakistani tourism — and whose traditions were largely shaped by Hindus, Buddhists and Sufi Muslims, not the extremist Taliban fighters who have waged a violent campaign there over the past two years.

              The reign of Aurangzeb's father was considered a relatively progressive time in Swat, with many saying the elder Miangul Jahanzeb was a benevolent autocrat. Son and father saw merger as inevitable, however, and didn't put up a fight.

              ‘I knew that big fish eat small fish,’ Aurangzeb told The Associated Press Tuesday.

              Despite being pressed, Aurangzeb doesn't want to talk about personal memories of growing up a royal in the ‘Switzerland of Pakistan.’ He was last in Swat in April, before the latest round of fighting began in earnest.

              He focuses instead on the failings of a country he loves — its corrupt politicians, its habit of changing laws to suit powerful interests, its cronyism and nepotism. The list goes on.

              It's the judicial system, however, that earns special ire.

              Swat used to be governed by a blend of local customs, Islamic law and ‘common sense’ as rendered by the ruler, Aurangzeb says. Cases would be decided in one or two hearings, not stretched on for months or years the way they have since the Pakistani judicial system was adopted.

              Militants, including the Taliban, have over the years exploited the grievance of delayed justice to gain followers in Swat.

              Aurangzeb, a moderate Muslim who wears western dress, speaks perfect English and loves his e-mail, can't bring himself to condemn the Taliban without criticising the government, too.

              ‘The curse of democracy is that justice is very, very slow,’ he says.

              He points to a newspaper account of a case in Pakistan's Punjab province, in which an influential landlord allegedly married off a 13-year-old girl to his 50-something brother, supposedly to avenge his daughter's elopement with a tenant's nephew.

              ‘The Taliban would not have let this happen. My father would not have let this happen,’ he says. ‘I ask the government of Pakistan, what are you doing about this?’

              Aurangzeb has harsh words for Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's former military ruler under whose watch Swat's situation began deteriorating. He claims Musharraf let the Taliban run roughshod in Swat because it would help win more US aid.

              The military has no choice but to fight the Taliban now, he says, but the problem should have been taken care of years ago, before it metastasised.

              Asked what would have happened if Swat had retained its sovereignty, he says the region and the people would have been better off. But Pakistan would have loomed all around, and its leaders would never have left him alone, he says.

              ‘Thank God I am not the ruler of Swat,’ he says.

              But if he were, would Swat have come to this? The Wali doesn't wish to dwell.

              --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

              YouTube - The former ancestral ruler of Pakistan's Swat Valley
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              Comment


              • #8
                Why Pakistan's military helped Talibanise Swat | Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal

                Why Pakistan's military helped Talibanise Swat
                By Farooq Sulehria

                May 17, 2009 -- The mass exodus from Swat is making headlines globally. Over a million have been displaced. This is the worst humanitarian crisis since the Rwanda tragedy in 1990s. The explanation offered is that this is necessary to flush the Taliban out of Swat's lush, green valley in Pakistan's north. This military operation, launched in order to stabilise the US occupation of Afghanistan and its so-called "war on terror", is hardly mentioned in the corporate media. On the contrary, major US newspapers have been invoking the fear that Pakistan's nuclear weapons might fall into the hands of the Taliban. Is this a story planted by the CIA?

                This is the fourth time in less than three years that the Swat area has been subjected to a military operation. However the latest offensive is of a different character.

                First, this military operation was hastily launched. The United States threatened to use drones in Swat if Pakistan did not stop the Taliban from advancing into the neighbouring districts of Dir and Boner.

                Second, it is not a mock operation. This time the Pakistan army is targeting the Taliban.

                Third, the mainstream media in Pakistan and the major political parties are openly supporting this military action. Previously the mainstream Islamist and right-wing parties, including former prime minister Nawaz Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), were sympathetic to the Taliban and opposed targetting them. This time around, the PML-N is siding with the ruling coalition, led by Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP).

                The general public is turning against the Taliban. The swing in the public's perception was catalysed by a video showing the Taliban whipping a girl. This shocked Pakistanis. However Taliban spokesperson Muslim Khan defended the punishment and asserted that the girl should have been stoned.

                While the media previously had been dominated by pro-Taliban anchorpersons and columnists, they are not siding with the Taliban this time. Ridiculed as the ``Media Mujahidin'', many pro-Taliban journalists have now begun criticising the Taliban. However it is the liberals in the media who are proving to be the worst warmongers. Back in 1999 they were the first to welcome the military takeover of Pakistan, hoping that General Pervez Musharraf would rid Pakistan of the fundamentalist "beards". Later, disillusioned by Musharraf, they pinned all their hope on Uncle Sam.

                Ironically one finds far-left and Islamist parties on the same side of the fence: both oppose the military operation, but for different reasons.

                Left and right

                Islamist parties see an opportunity for themselves with the Talbanisation of the society. Even if Islamists did not bag more than 4% of the votes in the 2008 general election, they have been able to encroach on Pakistan's democratic and social liberties. Only a couple of weeks ago two elite colleges in Lahore, 400 kilometres from Swat, introduced campus dress codes. Female students have been advised not to wear jeans and to dress ``modestly''.

                The far left, on the other hand, considers military action counterproductive. The left views the Taliban as a threat to civil society and particularly the working classes. But the threat cannot be bombed out of existence.

                In the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, US forces drove the Taliban out of Kabul, but only temporarily. Not merely are the Taliban back in Afghanistan, but Pakistan's tribal areas and North West Frontier Province have gone over to the Taliban.

                Pakistan's leading left-wing group, the Labour Party Pakistan (LPP), in a recent press statement opposing the military operation, declared: "The fight against religious extremism can only be successful insofar as the basic problems of the working class in social, political and economic fields are solved. In addition to developing a system of free education with a secular syllabus for all, this must mean an end to feudalism, implementation of land reform and an end to the US occupation of Afghanistan."

                The military operation in Swat covers up the reality that the Pakistan military considers the Taliban an asset and is not willing to sacrifice that asset to please the USA. While the army is flushing the Taliban out of Swat, the Jihadi infrastructure (training camps, seminaries, newspapers, charities that front for the Taliban) remain intact in other parts of the country.

                Pakistan military part of the problem

                The Jihadi infrastructure cannot be dismantled by any civil government because the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), the all-powerful intelligence wing of the Pakistan military, blocks all such attempts. Ironically, the residents of Swat who are now displaced by the military's ``Operation Rah-e-Haq 4'', upon reaching refugee camps find themselves hosted by Lashkar-e-Tayyaba (LeT).

                It was the LeT that engineered the terrorist attack on Mumbai last November. Following at attack, the Pakistan government banned the LeT and the Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JD), its charity front.

                According to the Guardian newspaper, "The Falah-e-Insaniat Foundation (FIF) offers food, medical care and transport to villagers fleeing into Mardan district." Citing experts and some FIF members, the newspaper asserts that the group is merely the renamed relief wing of JD. The FIF relief camp is located outside Sher Gur in Mardan, a few hundred metres from the border with Malakand, where the fighting is concentrated. Present in the camp is Abdur Rauf, the FIF head and the former head of JD's welfare wing. Rauf told the Guardian that the group's 24-hour kitchens had fed 53,000 people in roadside camps and schools where people were living. He added that a fleet of 23 mini-buses had transported victims from the battle zone. Seven ambulances took the injured to hospital.

                This is not for the first time that a militant outfit was prescribed but remained functional, simply under a different name. Under US pressure, General Musharraf banned half a dozen groups, but all these outfits remain operative only with a name change.

                The military refuses to give these outfits up for two reasons. One, a substantial section of Pakistan military, particularly the ISI, has an ideological bond with the Islamist militants. Second, the military wishfully plans to use these irregulars in a proxy force that can re-capture Kabul and keep things boiling in Kashmir.

                As a matter of fact, the Taliban would not have been able to establish a foothold in Swat had they not been lent a helping hand by the army. Most importantly is the fact that the Taliban has had a radio station for many years. This radio played a crucial role in establishing Taliban control precisely because it gave it an effective method to transmit its propaganda. In fact, Fazlulla, the Taliban warlords in control of Swat, earned the nickname Mullahs' Radio. For four years, the military was "unable" to locate the radio site or jam its transmission. Meanwhile Mullahs' Radio was threatening Swat residents by issuing fatwas and intimidating opponents every day after morning prayers. Hence the slogan gaining popularity is ``Yeh jo dehshatgardi hey Iss key peechay wardi hey''(Behind all this terrorism is the military).

                Why Pakistan's military helped Talibanise Swat

                In the wake of 9/11 the hawks in the Pakistan military developed the perspective of "defeating" the USA through a proxy-Taliban militia, the way the Red Army was driven across the Oxus River. Thus, in a short-sighted and roundabout way, the Pakistan military brought Uncle Sam into Pakistan.

                Under US pressure, General Musharraf's regime took some cosmetic measures against Jihadi elements, but it did not touch the Taliban. Every time it was asked to do more, some Arab militants were rounded up and sent to the Gitmo gulag. However, because of his pro-US policies certain Jihadist elements turned against Musharraf and tried to assassinate him. The Musharraf regime consequently targeted these elements but nonetheless kept patronising those willing to co-operate.

                In order to wage a proxy war against NATO/US forces, the army helped the Taliban turn the tribal areas and districts of the North West Frontier Province into their base camp. The locals resisted the Taliban takeover but their outdated guns proved no match for the modern arsenal at Taliban's disposal.

                These Taliban-controlled regions became a launching pad for Jihadist activities in Afghanistan. The White House, irritated at the dual role played by Pakistan military, decided to take matters in its own hands. Since 2006 it has been using drones to attack suspected Taliban hideouts in the tribal areas. During the waning months of US President George Bush's office these attacks became more frequent but have escalated since the beginning of Obama's presidency. "When in doubt, escalate the war is an old imperial motto", Tariq Ali reminds us. In fact, the drone strikes against Pakistan bring to mind US President Richard Nixon's desperate bid to salvage the Vietnam War by bombing and invading Cambodia.

                More than 700 people have been killed in US drone attacks on Pakistan since 2006, with 164 killed in 14 attacks under Obama's watch. These drone attacks are further fueling anti-US sentiments.

                Instead of finding an exit strategy in Afghanistan, the Obama administration is practicing an Iraq-style surge. But it is the US presence in the region that will sustain the conditions that breed Talbanisation. The longer the USA stays in Afghanistan, the longer the Taliban's defeat will be delayed and the suffering of the poor masses prolonged. For those lucky enough to survive the bombs dropped by the Pakistan military in Swat, they will also have to deal with the possibility of having their throats slit by Taliban hit squads. Or they have the option to become refugees in their own country.

                [Farooq Sulehria is a member of the Labour Party Pakistan resident in Sweden.]
                http://i29.tinypic.com/2a6j8jm.gif

                Comment


                • #9
                  Luffy, i think you are wasting your time before BLS_1919

                  Lets SMOKE together on the name of BLS_1919
                  [FONT=Arial][SIZE=4][COLOR=darkred]Barking Dogs Seldom Bite...![/COLOR][/SIZE][/FONT]
                  :fighting:

                  LONG LIVE UNITED PAKISTAN

                  ([B]Balochi + Sindi + Punjabi + Pashtoon + Chitrali + Kashmiri = My Sweet Pakistan[/B])

                  Jeeway Jeeway Pakistan

                  Comment


                  • #10
                    bls - your sources are somewhat BS

                    that you have no shame in posing watery news stories gives away your prejudice, and since you have a prejudice your posts are taken with a large dash of salt

                    Comment


                    • #11
                      Can somebody tell us the story of 200000 Muslim yes Bangali Muslim women story ,whom have been raped by (Islamic pak army) please ?
                      ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

                      Comment


                      • #12
                        From Swat – with no love



                        Thursday, January 08, 2009
                        Zubair Torwali

                        The main town of Swat, Mingora, has now virtually fallen to the militants. The police are escorted by army officials and come out from their ‘hide-outs’ only for a couple of hours. One of the busiest squares, Grain chowk, was renamed by the shopkeepers as ‘Khooni chowk’ because when they come to their shops in the morning on each day they find four or five dead bodies hung over the poles or the trees. They see dead bodies scattered along the foot path in the morning. The bodies are usually headless. The practice goes thus with an average of four deaths daily in the square. Similarly on each morning there are found bodies with their throats slit in Qambar, Kabal, Matta, Khawza Khela and Charbagh. This practice has been going on for weeks; and unfortunately does not seem to stop.

                        Jan 15 is the deadline set by the militants to close all schools, especially those of girls. As the deadline approaches people are getting more and more terrified. The government’s writ is all but absent. Nazims have been killed, women are not allowed to visit bazaars (which are deserted), NGOs have stopped working and children play a ‘Fauji Taliban’ game. The people live a miserable life in the cold. Most bridges have been damaged and beyond the main town phones have been dead for months. Most people live in darkness at night because the fighting has badly affected the power infrastructure as well.

                        Curfew is imposed constraining the people inside for days on end. And security forces personnel sometimes fire indiscriminately. The residents can do nothing – they cannot protest against the high-handedness of the military or stand up to the militants. The Taliban gain from strength to strength, partly aided by the use of FM radio. Various checkposts set up by the security forces seem to be no little use. Scores of militants entered Kalam last week in spite of six checkposts set up from from Bagh Dahri to Bahrain. It is quite clear that for now the victors in the war are the Taliban – and the losers the people of Swat.

                        But who cares about that in the rest of the country. The government seems too busy dealing with the aftermath of the Mumbai carnage. That said, the predicament of the people of Swat is worse than even of the people of Gaza. In Gaza the enemy is well known but in Swat the people know not who the enemy is and whom to hold responsible.

                        The civil society of any country is regarded as a great force to mobilize the general public against the violation of civil rights and liberty. It is considered as a bulwark against the violation of human rights. It is deemed as the upholder of people’s rights where the state fails to deliver. Its mettle was tested in the lawyers’ movement but we in Swat wonder why it is silent now? We hear no voice raise against the atrocities committed in Swat. No civil society organization has its voice against the plight of the women and children in Swat. We have not seen a single demonstration in the big cities against the monster of militancy in Swat, or in FATA for that matter. The media also seems apathetic about the plight. The print media does well to some extent but their scope is limited.

                        The people of Swat ask you to come out on their behalf and mobilize the general public against the war tearing the valley. We implore you to come out of your drawing rooms and stage protests so that the government does something about our plight.

                        The writer is a social activist who lives in Swat. Email: angeltorwali @gmail.com

                        Comment


                        • #13
                          MINGORA: Militants publicly hang body of opponent



                          By Our Correspondent
                          MINGORA, Dec 15: The Swat Taliban publicly hung the body of Pir Samiullah and executed his two key commanders at the Gwalerai Chowk in the restive Swat valley on Monday.

                          The militants exhumed the body of Pir Samiullah from his native town Charma, a hilly area, on Sunday to confirm his death. They hung it at the Gwalerai Chowk in the Matta tehsil. The body was later shifted to an unspecified place.

                          Taliban spokesman Muslim Khan said two of Pir Samiullah’s key commanders were also executed at the chowk. “Forty of the hostages were forgiven and would be freed tomorrow (Tuesday), while the fate of the rest would be decided after the Taliban Shura meeting,” he said.

                          Pir Samiullah and his eight followers had been killed after fierce gun battle with militants in the Swat valley on Sunday.

                          The fresh fighting erupted after what the Taliban called a hand grenade attack on the house of a local Taliban commander by the Pir’s men.

                          Pir Samiullah was a staunch opponent of Taliban activities and was the first notable who had formed a tribal lashkar to flush militants out of the region.

                          The militants also torched the house and hujra of Pir Samiullah after occupying the Mandal Dag area. They also set on fire the houses of 15 elders of the area who were active supporters of the Pir. The search operation by the Taliban continued in Mandal Dag and its surrounding areas on Monday, sources said, adding that most of Pir’s supporters had gone underground.The Taliban, they said, had now taken control of about 80 per cent of Swat and the government’s writ had reduced only to Mingora and its surroundings.

                          Differences between the Taliban and Pir Samiullah emerged after militants made a failed attempt to kidnap the religious and spiritual figure, who had his own circle of followers and admirers in the region. Several people were killed from both sides in the clash about two months ago.

                          Local people said Pir Samiullah was the only potential rival of Maulana Fazlullah. The Pir had succeeded in his efforts to gather elders of the region to establish a lashkar to resist the Taliban movement.
                          http://www.dawn.com/2008/12/16/local27.htm

                          Comment


                          • #14
                            Whither Swat’s women?
                            By Qurat ul ain Siddiqui
                            Sunday, 22 Feb, 2009


                            Even religious schools may soon be out of the reach of swat's girls - AP photo.


                            WHAT happened with Shikarpur’s Maria Shah, a recent victim of an acid attack, may be considered as a random act of violence but the degree of resolve and perfection with which misogyny is being systematized in Swat is simply unprecedented in Pakistan.
                            Banning education for females and specifically targeting girls’ schools was, to look at the current situation on the ground, only the prelude to what is turning out to be a conscious establishment of a system of violence and sadism.
                            With the destruction of over 180 schools in the valley, thousands of female teachers are without a source of income and some 80,000 female students are no longer getting an education.
                            However, it is not ‘only’ women’s education and livelihood that are at stake here. Women can also no longer venture outside their homes without a male relative (definitely a mehram) and it is mandatory for couples to carry their nikah-namaas or they are asking for trouble. The Swat Taliban have also announced that families with unmarried females should come forward in mosques so that the women/girls may be married off – to the Taliban. Or else, they are to be forcibly married (read raped).
                            So would any Pakistani woman want to wake up the following morning only to find out she’s in Swat? Hopefully not.
                            The government has done little, if not nothing, to address this ‘institutionalisation’ of gender-specific violence in the once idyllic valley. And while a visit to the region by some in the national cabinet was in the offing, the NWFP government’s recent decision to implement ‘sharia’ in the area seems highly unlikely to rescue the population from this despotic setup.
                            What was done to Bakht Zeba, a 45-year-old resident of Mingora and a former member of the Swat district council, should have been enough to serve as a wake up call for those entrusted with the security of our lives and properties.
                            Zeba's criticism of the Swat Taliban's anti-women measures was more than enough to incur the Talibs' wrath. On Nov 26, Bakht Zeba was dragged out of her Mingora home and was shot in the head after being brutally flogged.
                            A mere three hour drive (less than 200 miles) from Islamabad, Swat has transmogrified into a horrific embodiment and just when one dares to think that it can’t get any worse, a whole new horrible bunch of stunts is pulled only to keep one’s optimism in check.
                            The rather recent decree regarding bringing unmarried girls/women to give them away in marriage to the Taliban is a truly shocking one. Going a few more steps ahead than the Afghan Taliban, this group has clearly expressed its disregard for anything and everything with a semblance of civilised behaviour. So really, what form of the sharia will satiate their appetite for brutality?
                            Despite the 'military operation' before the ‘ceasefire,’ the government failed to tackle the militants, nor could it effectively address the problems that these criminal elements, bent upon destroying the region's social fabric, have been posing.
                            What bigger horror is needed to realise that what began in Swat (a firmly settled area, mind you!) might as well penetrate inside the rest of the state?
                            The terror that the women in Swat have experienced is appalling enough and if this trend that has captured the valley is not dismantled, it is likely to advance itself, putting at risk a healthy and respectable survival of at least 50 per cent of the country's population.
                            The recent murderous attacks against women in Kohat, an pronouncement ordering Quetta women to cover their faces, and of course how can we forget — right in the middle of Islamabad — the Red Mosque's self-styled executioners of God's law, were not actions working themselves about in isolation. Swat, at present, appears to be the culmination of all the madness that has gone on, that is ensuing, and that, if not eliminated, is logically bound to get only worse.
                            We, and especially the modern urban women amongst us, painstakingly working it up in our cubicles, can no longer remain in denial of what may very well be in store for us.
                            While one expected the government to support and defend women development initiatives in the region (taken up by community workers such as Bakht Zeba), the government has instead made the Swatis even more vulnerable to exploitation. Who knows what version of religious law will Swat be governed under? And while Mr Hoti, the mayor of Peshawar, just barely, has slapped aside suggestions that Swat may end up turning into Taliban’s Afghanistan, his sanguinity is no longer compelling. This ‘sharia’ deal directly involves an organization that the government of Pakistan banned in Jan 2002. And strangely enough, that ban has not been lifted to this day.
                            These ‘political’ developments have only strengthened the militants, when simultaneously, a show of the righteous’ strength was also witnessed in Karachi on Feb 14 — resulting in the postponement of a perfectly innocent musical evening. However, it is, as some of us hope, highly unlikely that a system of force and repression, along the lines of the one in Swat, can be made operational in the country's metropolitan centres and while several women amongst the urban, educated lot have strongly expressed their censure of the military operations in the northwest, they are not going to allow neither criminals nor the holier than thou(s) to dictate their lifestyles.
                            Given a closer look, the so-called isolated acid attacks, rapes and other gender-specific acts of violence are not so isolated. The Swat Taliban's crusade against women is not some alien system that sprang up out of nothing. It exists in relation to a certain worldview at large — a worldview that power must be exercised and sustained as extremely as it can.
                            At this point in time, not only has the government of Pakistan almost-officially disowned Swat, it has also isolated its women even further. But what it must not forget is that today when the Taliban are strongly entrenched in the region (more than ever before), Islamabad is not far away.

                            Comment


                            • #15
                              i dont particularly care for Swat. They made the decision to put their fate in the hands of Pakistan. They ran to the Taliban. They entrusted the Pakistani army.

                              Khpal zan di taba kra.

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