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Taliban have a hundred fathers - every Pakistani and his brother-in-law claim to be 'father of the Taliban' - whether it's Naseerullah Babar, or that 'Colonel Imam', etc, etc.
Pakistanis have no useful contribution to the world to speak of, so all they can do is jockey for credit in having created terror groups. This is how they gain fame for themselves. No 'Kaun Banega Crorepati' for them - it's just 'Kaun Banega Terrorist'
‘Father of Taliban’ urges US concessions - FT.com
Pakistanis have no useful contribution to the world to speak of, so all they can do is jockey for credit in having created terror groups. This is how they gain fame for themselves. No 'Kaun Banega Crorepati' for them - it's just 'Kaun Banega Terrorist'
‘Father of Taliban’ urges US concessions - FT.com
November 13, 2011 4:24 pm
‘Father of Taliban’ urges US concessions
By Matthew Green in Akora Khattak
Sami ul-Haq’s seminary may have a reputation as Pakistan’s premier “University of Jihad”, but these days the sharp-tongued cleric is more eager to talk peace than holy war.
Known in Pakistan as the “Father of the Taliban” for schooling a generation of Afghan fighters at his Haqqania madrassa, Mr ul-Haq, a stern-looking preacher in his early 70s, has a unique perspective on the way the movement thinks.
As the Obama administration clings to the seemingly remote hope of negotiating an end to the war in Afghanistan before the vast majority of Nato combat troops leave by the end of 2014, Mr ul-Haq has some frank advice: start making concessions – and fast.
The Taliban will only take peace overtures seriously, he believes, if the US proves its sincerity by moving to release key commanders, declare limited ceasefires in Afghanistan, and halt drone strikes in Pakistan.
“America is very confused. No clear road map can be seen for these negotiations. There is no clear picture in front of the Taliban,” said Mr ul-Haq, speaking at the Haqqania complex of dormitories, class-rooms and mosques outside the north-western city of Peshawar.
“They [the US] should narrow the scope of the war first and then talk to the Taliban directly,” he said.
The already slim chance of rapidly engaging insurgents in talks was shattered in September when a suicide bomber killed Burhanuddin Rabbani, the former Afghan president, who had been heading the government’s reconciliation initiative. Afghan elders and politicians are due to meet in Kabul on Wednesday to chart a new policy.
A prominent figure in Pakistani Islamist politics who served for years in the country’s senate, Mr ul-Haq by no means claims to speak for the Taliban. But he was once close to its leaders and says Mr Rabbani consulted him several times.
The US would be loath to swallow Mr ul-Haq’s prescription, not least because it has no desire to appease the movement that sheltered Osama bin Laden, the founder of al-Qaeda, while he plotted the 9/11 terror attacks.
Washington has, however, shown some flexibility. The US-sponsored a move by the UN Security Council in June to draw a sharper distinction between members of the Taliban and al-Qaeda when enforcing travel bans and asset freezes.
While contacting the Taliban’s inner circle, which fled to Pakistan after the US invaded Afghanistan in 2001, is notoriously tricky, Mr ul-Haq’s 64-year-old madrassa is the closest thing the movement has to an alma mater.
Hundreds of Afghan students memorised the Koran while sitting cross-legged on its carpets before joining the ranks of Taliban fighters who seized power in Afghanistan in the mid-1990s.
A number of Mr ul-Haq’s protégées became commanders and ministers when the movement seized Kabul in 1996 and he served as an unofficial adviser to Mullah Mohammed Omar, the Taliban’s leader, before he was overthrown.
The school also has a place in the hearts of the commanders of the Haqqani network, a family-run insurgent dynasty that specialises in Kabul suicide bombings. Jalaluddin Haqqani, the group’s ailing patriarch, studied at the seminary, from which he derives his name.
The madrassa says it no longer takes foreign students, and has broadened its curriculum to include English and computer science, but it remains an intellectual lodestar for believers in violent jihad.
“Just like Cambridge in the UK, or Harvard in the US, we’re trying to maintain our standards,” Mr ul-Haq said.
The US, which has been reaching out to the Taliban and the Haqqanis, has not given up hope. Hillary Clinton, secretary of state, visited Pakistan last month to seek help in starting talks, subtly moderating previous demands that the army crack down on Afghan militants on Pakistani soil.
Mr ul-Haq is sceptical, but says that if Washington clarifies what kind of role it sees the Taliban playing in Afghanistan’s future, he might be willing to act as a go-between. “The Taliban are very inflexible, and they love to fight,” he said. “Now they are saying the ball is in Nato’s court”.
‘Father of Taliban’ urges US concessions
By Matthew Green in Akora Khattak
Sami ul-Haq’s seminary may have a reputation as Pakistan’s premier “University of Jihad”, but these days the sharp-tongued cleric is more eager to talk peace than holy war.
Known in Pakistan as the “Father of the Taliban” for schooling a generation of Afghan fighters at his Haqqania madrassa, Mr ul-Haq, a stern-looking preacher in his early 70s, has a unique perspective on the way the movement thinks.
As the Obama administration clings to the seemingly remote hope of negotiating an end to the war in Afghanistan before the vast majority of Nato combat troops leave by the end of 2014, Mr ul-Haq has some frank advice: start making concessions – and fast.
The Taliban will only take peace overtures seriously, he believes, if the US proves its sincerity by moving to release key commanders, declare limited ceasefires in Afghanistan, and halt drone strikes in Pakistan.
“America is very confused. No clear road map can be seen for these negotiations. There is no clear picture in front of the Taliban,” said Mr ul-Haq, speaking at the Haqqania complex of dormitories, class-rooms and mosques outside the north-western city of Peshawar.
“They [the US] should narrow the scope of the war first and then talk to the Taliban directly,” he said.
The already slim chance of rapidly engaging insurgents in talks was shattered in September when a suicide bomber killed Burhanuddin Rabbani, the former Afghan president, who had been heading the government’s reconciliation initiative. Afghan elders and politicians are due to meet in Kabul on Wednesday to chart a new policy.
A prominent figure in Pakistani Islamist politics who served for years in the country’s senate, Mr ul-Haq by no means claims to speak for the Taliban. But he was once close to its leaders and says Mr Rabbani consulted him several times.
The US would be loath to swallow Mr ul-Haq’s prescription, not least because it has no desire to appease the movement that sheltered Osama bin Laden, the founder of al-Qaeda, while he plotted the 9/11 terror attacks.
Washington has, however, shown some flexibility. The US-sponsored a move by the UN Security Council in June to draw a sharper distinction between members of the Taliban and al-Qaeda when enforcing travel bans and asset freezes.
While contacting the Taliban’s inner circle, which fled to Pakistan after the US invaded Afghanistan in 2001, is notoriously tricky, Mr ul-Haq’s 64-year-old madrassa is the closest thing the movement has to an alma mater.
Hundreds of Afghan students memorised the Koran while sitting cross-legged on its carpets before joining the ranks of Taliban fighters who seized power in Afghanistan in the mid-1990s.
A number of Mr ul-Haq’s protégées became commanders and ministers when the movement seized Kabul in 1996 and he served as an unofficial adviser to Mullah Mohammed Omar, the Taliban’s leader, before he was overthrown.
The school also has a place in the hearts of the commanders of the Haqqani network, a family-run insurgent dynasty that specialises in Kabul suicide bombings. Jalaluddin Haqqani, the group’s ailing patriarch, studied at the seminary, from which he derives his name.
The madrassa says it no longer takes foreign students, and has broadened its curriculum to include English and computer science, but it remains an intellectual lodestar for believers in violent jihad.
“Just like Cambridge in the UK, or Harvard in the US, we’re trying to maintain our standards,” Mr ul-Haq said.
The US, which has been reaching out to the Taliban and the Haqqanis, has not given up hope. Hillary Clinton, secretary of state, visited Pakistan last month to seek help in starting talks, subtly moderating previous demands that the army crack down on Afghan militants on Pakistani soil.
Mr ul-Haq is sceptical, but says that if Washington clarifies what kind of role it sees the Taliban playing in Afghanistan’s future, he might be willing to act as a go-between. “The Taliban are very inflexible, and they love to fight,” he said. “Now they are saying the ball is in Nato’s court”.
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