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Qazi Amin Waqad assesses the threat from Hizb-e Islami | Kabul Center for Strategic Studies
Qazi Amin Waqad assesses the threat from Hizb-e Islami
October 1, 2007
Qazi Mohammad Amin Waqad was the first elected leader of the Hizbe Islami Afghanistan (Islamic Party of Afghanistan) Waqad was a close personal friendand political ally of HizbeIslami leader Gulbaddin Hekmatyar. A graduate of the Islamic Law Faculty at Kabul University, Waqad is a member of The National Front, a party opposed to the Karzai administration. As a scholar he has become a noted expert on jihad in Afghanistan. Waqad lives north of Kabul in a traditional Afghanistani household. He talked with Kabul Direct at his home on Oct 1, 2007.
Kabul Direct: How do you assess the Hizbe Islami under the supervision of Gulbudeen Hekmatyar?
Qazi Mohammad Amin Waqad: At the outset Hizbe Islami was led by academics and intellectuals who won support from people from all over Afghanistan. The party started out as an Islamic youth movement to counter the leftists and communists that dominated the universities of the 1960s.
Kabul Direct: Yes, this was how Hizbe Islami began, but my question was how strong is the party now, under the leadership of Hekmatyar?
Waqad: I will get to that. When the Taliban captured Kabul in 1996, Hekmatyar, was the premier of the mujahidin government. To evade capture, he had to flee. First he went north, but there he couldn’t get along with the Northern Alliance. He wouldn’t submit to their leadership. So he fled Afghanistan altogether. He took refuge in Iran and from Tehran remained an enemy of the Taliban government and its allies until its downfall in 2001. It was a major mistake not to invite Hekmatyar to the Bonn Accord meetings in 2001. This cast him as opposition figure with respect to the new Afghan government.
Today, he remains in the opposition camp and draws his support mostly from the refugee camps of Pakistan. Shamshatoo, a camp outside Peshawar, for example, where 20,000 to 30,000 Afghans still live, is one of his bases.
In the camp, the party runs madrassas, provides welfare services to the people, and publishes a magazine called Tanwir. The camp is so completely under the control of the Hizbe Ismali that the part runs the Shura e Ejariea or governing council there.
Kabul Direct: Is the council at Shamshatoo under Hekmatyar’s control or the party’s local leadership?
Waqad: It is directly controlled and led by Hekmatyar.
Kabul Direct:How many of his old commanders are still loyal to Hekmatyar?
Waqad: Many of the old Hizbe Isalmi commanders are still members of the group’s governing council. Some are in Afghanistan, working with the Karzai government. Many, hold high-level positions in the Karzai administration.
Kabul Direct: What about all the rumors that the insurgency in northern Afghanistan is being led by Hekmatyar and his loyalists?
Waqad: If Hekmatyar is willing to destroy the insurgency by resorting to suicide bombing or IED attacks, then his ground to maneuver will remain limited to Kunar, Norirstan, Kunduz, and the southeastern provinces. In these provinces, the Taliban also has a strong presence.
But I have to point out that the Ekhwan al Muslemin or Muslim Brotherhood movements, of which Hizbe Islami is a part, do not believe in using suicide bombers. This is a tactic introduced by Al Qaida and the Taliban. Hekmatyar, and even more importantly, his base of support, do not subscribe to the idea that suicide bombing is permissible under Islam. I doubt even Hekmatyar himself could convince one of his followers to carry out such a mission as they do not believe in the legitimacy of such an act.
Hekmatyar opposes the government as does Mullah Omar and the Taliban. But there are major differences in their approaches. Should one of them, the Taliban or Hizbe Islami, join the government, they would then be on opposite sides. Today, the only basis of any alliance is that they are both opposed to the Karzai administration. Aside from that, they have nothing in common – not their ideology, not their interpretation of Islam, not their vision, or their politics.
Kabul Direct: Why has Hekmatyar chosen to remain an enemy of the present Afghan state?
Waqad: As I told you, the first point of contention was when Hekmatyar was excluded from the Bonn conference.
Now, he believes that it is the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan that stands between him and the government. But I think this could change. I believe Hekmatyar wants to make peace with the government – more than the Taliban. The government should negotiate a settlement with him. I think they would have a more realistic chance with Hekmatyar than with the Taliban.
Kabul Direct:Don’t you think that the withdrawal of foreign troops would only drive Afghanistan back to the place it was in the 1990s, to a state of warlordism?
Waqad: Without foreign troops, I do think it is realistic to assume that some of the neighbors would interfere in Afghanistan. It is notable that in Hizbe Islami, the consensus is not to demand a withdrawal of the foreign troops. This is only Hekmatyar’s demand. Not everyone in the party shares his idea.
Kabul Direct: You talked about Shamshatoo refugee camp as one of Hekmatyar strongholds. Aside from Shamshatoo do you see any other camp in Pakistan in which Hekmatyar has the same level of support, where he can recruit soldiers?
Waqad: Yes, of course. In every place and camp where there are Hizbe Islami elements, Hekmatyar has a presence. But today’s Hizbe Islami is not as strong or as well-managed as it was in the 1990s.
Kabul Direct: What about Hekmatyar’s outside support. Are Iran and Pakistan supporting him or is his support coming from elsewhere?
Waqad: He enjoys the support of both Iran and Pakistan. He is probably hiding in the areas of Pakistan along the Afghan border.
Kabul Direct: What about Iran, what role does Tehran play?
Waqad: Well he is not disconnected from Iran. Some of the neighboring countries do have points in common with him and are willing to help him because of this.
Kabul Direct: What do you think about president Karzai’s proposal for peace talks with Hakmatyar and the Taliban?
Waqad: Karzai’s stance regarding peace negotiations is very much rooted in his optimism. He has not had much experience in politics or in confronting Jihadi movements.
Kabul Direct: Do you think his stance is unwise?
Waqad: Yes. By taking the peace negotiations too seriously, he strengthens Hekmatyar and the Taliban in the minds of the public.
What he should do is strengthen the government. Here I am in Kabul, and yet I am not allowed to have any role in the government. When Hekmatyar sees that someone like me, the first elected leader of Hizbe Islami, is not being utilized, he can’t help but be pessimistic about his own future should he agree to make peace with the government.
Regarding the Hizbe Islami members now in government – the party has two to three ministers, five governors, a deputy minister, and many other high-ranking officials – but the problem is, these Hizbe Islami officials in the present government only empower their own relations.
Kabul Direct: Aside from the above mentioned points, what exactly is Hekmatyar trying to accomplish with his opposition?
Waqad: Hekmatyar cannot accept that another person is above him and he must follow that guy.
Kabul Direct: You mean he wants to be president?
Waqad: Indeed.
Kabul Direct: So why wouldn’t he participate in the democratic process so he can be elected to this position?
Waqad: He has security fears because of the foreign forces. If President Bush would treat Hekmatyar the same way he does Karzai and his team, Hekmatyar would certainly join the peace process in Afghanistan.
Kabul Direct: But negotiations have been proposed several times.
Waqad: The proposals were not inviting enough. If Hekmatyar had been convinced that he would be given a position commensurate with his rank and ability, he would have joined the government.
Kabul Direct: Does Hekmatyar believe in the democratic process?
Waqad: Hizbe Islami was more democratic then any other Jihadi party during the anti-Soviet Jihad in Afghanistan. The leaders of Hizbe Islami have always been elected. Hekmatyar still has the ability to recruit new soldiers, even among young people who may not be aware of his past.
Kabul Direct: You don’t think Hekmatyar’s vision is unacceptable to most of the youth?
Waqad: Indeed it is, but he can still find a receptive audience in the seminaries in Pakistan - in his own seminaries.
Kabul Direct: What is Hekmatyar’s relationship with the various Deobandi seminaries?
Waqad: The seminaries led by Mavlana Fazal Rahman and Mavalana Sami al Haq, have no real relationship with Hekmatyar. Mavlana Fazl Rahmani rejects the ideology and tactics of the Muslim Brotherhood of which Hizbe Islami is a part.
But Jamat e Islami of Pakistan is very close with Hekmatyar. In Pakistan, the thinking on Afghanistan has changed. People are told that Afghanistan is occupied by foreigners and governed by Crusaders. This attitude empowers Hekmtyar and other anti-government elements. They can take advantage of these youthful notions.
Kabul Direct: Last year Hekmtyar talked about having close relations with the Taliban. But in 2007, we have not heard him making the same claims. Has the relationship changed?
Waqad: During the five years the Taliban controlled Afghanistan, Hekmatyar was unable to bridge his differences with the Taliban.I think he has a better chance of being able to work out his differences with the government than he does the Taliban. Again, Hizbe Islami is generally comprised of highly-educated people – reasonable people.
The only reason Hizbe Islami has any relationship with the Taliban is because both stand in opposition to the Karzai government. That is really the only thing the two parties have in common.
Kabul Direct: Do you think Hizbe Islami and Hekmtyar are close to Al Qaeda’s leadership?
Waqad: Yes, indeed. Hekmatyar needs logistic and economic support. Without help from Al Qaida, he could not continue his confrontation.
Kabul Direct: If he is supported by Al Qaida then, what is his difference with the terrorist organization?
Waqad: The Taliban and Al Qaida do not accept the governments of many countries, even Islamic ones like Saudi Arabia as being legitimate. Hizbe Islami members, who are also members of the Muslim Brotherhood, do not believe in confronting these Muslim governments.
Kabul Direct: But if he is supported by Al Qaida then he is certainly willing to go along with their view, right?
Waqad: Yes, but only because Hekmatyar needs their financial and logistical support at the moment.
This might not have been the situation had the government worked out an accord with Hekmatyar back in 2001 when he returned from Iran. There is still more basis for him to work out a deal with the government than for him to have a relationship with Al Qaida or the Taliban.
Kabul Direct: What should the government do to reach a positive peace agreement with Hekmatyar?
Waqad: There should be a serious discussion of peace talks. The government can take advantage of Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and other influences to pressure Hekmatyar. The Karzai administration should not leave this task to inexperienced Afghan intelligence officials. It also does not require a military response.
Kabul Direct: What do you propose for the betterment of the current satiation in Afghanistan?
Waqad: Everything ends in the present Afghan government. The Karzai administration must prove its capacity in both politics and administration. The administration needs to carve out deals with Pakistan and Iran, as well.
It needs to bring the insurgents into the fold. It should start small and bring them in gradually. This can’t be done overnight. Finally, the government has to earn the people’s trust by meeting their expectations. Because Afghanistan is a traditional society, whatever the government does has to conform to Afghan norms.
Qazi Amin Waqad assesses the threat from Hizb-e Islami | Kabul Center for Strategic Studies
Qazi Amin Waqad assesses the threat from Hizb-e Islami
October 1, 2007
Qazi Mohammad Amin Waqad was the first elected leader of the Hizbe Islami Afghanistan (Islamic Party of Afghanistan) Waqad was a close personal friendand political ally of HizbeIslami leader Gulbaddin Hekmatyar. A graduate of the Islamic Law Faculty at Kabul University, Waqad is a member of The National Front, a party opposed to the Karzai administration. As a scholar he has become a noted expert on jihad in Afghanistan. Waqad lives north of Kabul in a traditional Afghanistani household. He talked with Kabul Direct at his home on Oct 1, 2007.
Kabul Direct: How do you assess the Hizbe Islami under the supervision of Gulbudeen Hekmatyar?
Qazi Mohammad Amin Waqad: At the outset Hizbe Islami was led by academics and intellectuals who won support from people from all over Afghanistan. The party started out as an Islamic youth movement to counter the leftists and communists that dominated the universities of the 1960s.
Kabul Direct: Yes, this was how Hizbe Islami began, but my question was how strong is the party now, under the leadership of Hekmatyar?
Waqad: I will get to that. When the Taliban captured Kabul in 1996, Hekmatyar, was the premier of the mujahidin government. To evade capture, he had to flee. First he went north, but there he couldn’t get along with the Northern Alliance. He wouldn’t submit to their leadership. So he fled Afghanistan altogether. He took refuge in Iran and from Tehran remained an enemy of the Taliban government and its allies until its downfall in 2001. It was a major mistake not to invite Hekmatyar to the Bonn Accord meetings in 2001. This cast him as opposition figure with respect to the new Afghan government.
Today, he remains in the opposition camp and draws his support mostly from the refugee camps of Pakistan. Shamshatoo, a camp outside Peshawar, for example, where 20,000 to 30,000 Afghans still live, is one of his bases.
In the camp, the party runs madrassas, provides welfare services to the people, and publishes a magazine called Tanwir. The camp is so completely under the control of the Hizbe Ismali that the part runs the Shura e Ejariea or governing council there.
Kabul Direct: Is the council at Shamshatoo under Hekmatyar’s control or the party’s local leadership?
Waqad: It is directly controlled and led by Hekmatyar.
Kabul Direct:How many of his old commanders are still loyal to Hekmatyar?
Waqad: Many of the old Hizbe Isalmi commanders are still members of the group’s governing council. Some are in Afghanistan, working with the Karzai government. Many, hold high-level positions in the Karzai administration.
Kabul Direct: What about all the rumors that the insurgency in northern Afghanistan is being led by Hekmatyar and his loyalists?
Waqad: If Hekmatyar is willing to destroy the insurgency by resorting to suicide bombing or IED attacks, then his ground to maneuver will remain limited to Kunar, Norirstan, Kunduz, and the southeastern provinces. In these provinces, the Taliban also has a strong presence.
But I have to point out that the Ekhwan al Muslemin or Muslim Brotherhood movements, of which Hizbe Islami is a part, do not believe in using suicide bombers. This is a tactic introduced by Al Qaida and the Taliban. Hekmatyar, and even more importantly, his base of support, do not subscribe to the idea that suicide bombing is permissible under Islam. I doubt even Hekmatyar himself could convince one of his followers to carry out such a mission as they do not believe in the legitimacy of such an act.
Hekmatyar opposes the government as does Mullah Omar and the Taliban. But there are major differences in their approaches. Should one of them, the Taliban or Hizbe Islami, join the government, they would then be on opposite sides. Today, the only basis of any alliance is that they are both opposed to the Karzai administration. Aside from that, they have nothing in common – not their ideology, not their interpretation of Islam, not their vision, or their politics.
Kabul Direct: Why has Hekmatyar chosen to remain an enemy of the present Afghan state?
Waqad: As I told you, the first point of contention was when Hekmatyar was excluded from the Bonn conference.
Now, he believes that it is the presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan that stands between him and the government. But I think this could change. I believe Hekmatyar wants to make peace with the government – more than the Taliban. The government should negotiate a settlement with him. I think they would have a more realistic chance with Hekmatyar than with the Taliban.
Kabul Direct:Don’t you think that the withdrawal of foreign troops would only drive Afghanistan back to the place it was in the 1990s, to a state of warlordism?
Waqad: Without foreign troops, I do think it is realistic to assume that some of the neighbors would interfere in Afghanistan. It is notable that in Hizbe Islami, the consensus is not to demand a withdrawal of the foreign troops. This is only Hekmatyar’s demand. Not everyone in the party shares his idea.
Kabul Direct: You talked about Shamshatoo refugee camp as one of Hekmatyar strongholds. Aside from Shamshatoo do you see any other camp in Pakistan in which Hekmatyar has the same level of support, where he can recruit soldiers?
Waqad: Yes, of course. In every place and camp where there are Hizbe Islami elements, Hekmatyar has a presence. But today’s Hizbe Islami is not as strong or as well-managed as it was in the 1990s.
Kabul Direct: What about Hekmatyar’s outside support. Are Iran and Pakistan supporting him or is his support coming from elsewhere?
Waqad: He enjoys the support of both Iran and Pakistan. He is probably hiding in the areas of Pakistan along the Afghan border.
Kabul Direct: What about Iran, what role does Tehran play?
Waqad: Well he is not disconnected from Iran. Some of the neighboring countries do have points in common with him and are willing to help him because of this.
Kabul Direct: What do you think about president Karzai’s proposal for peace talks with Hakmatyar and the Taliban?
Waqad: Karzai’s stance regarding peace negotiations is very much rooted in his optimism. He has not had much experience in politics or in confronting Jihadi movements.
Kabul Direct: Do you think his stance is unwise?
Waqad: Yes. By taking the peace negotiations too seriously, he strengthens Hekmatyar and the Taliban in the minds of the public.
What he should do is strengthen the government. Here I am in Kabul, and yet I am not allowed to have any role in the government. When Hekmatyar sees that someone like me, the first elected leader of Hizbe Islami, is not being utilized, he can’t help but be pessimistic about his own future should he agree to make peace with the government.
Regarding the Hizbe Islami members now in government – the party has two to three ministers, five governors, a deputy minister, and many other high-ranking officials – but the problem is, these Hizbe Islami officials in the present government only empower their own relations.
Kabul Direct: Aside from the above mentioned points, what exactly is Hekmatyar trying to accomplish with his opposition?
Waqad: Hekmatyar cannot accept that another person is above him and he must follow that guy.
Kabul Direct: You mean he wants to be president?
Waqad: Indeed.
Kabul Direct: So why wouldn’t he participate in the democratic process so he can be elected to this position?
Waqad: He has security fears because of the foreign forces. If President Bush would treat Hekmatyar the same way he does Karzai and his team, Hekmatyar would certainly join the peace process in Afghanistan.
Kabul Direct: But negotiations have been proposed several times.
Waqad: The proposals were not inviting enough. If Hekmatyar had been convinced that he would be given a position commensurate with his rank and ability, he would have joined the government.
Kabul Direct: Does Hekmatyar believe in the democratic process?
Waqad: Hizbe Islami was more democratic then any other Jihadi party during the anti-Soviet Jihad in Afghanistan. The leaders of Hizbe Islami have always been elected. Hekmatyar still has the ability to recruit new soldiers, even among young people who may not be aware of his past.
Kabul Direct: You don’t think Hekmatyar’s vision is unacceptable to most of the youth?
Waqad: Indeed it is, but he can still find a receptive audience in the seminaries in Pakistan - in his own seminaries.
Kabul Direct: What is Hekmatyar’s relationship with the various Deobandi seminaries?
Waqad: The seminaries led by Mavlana Fazal Rahman and Mavalana Sami al Haq, have no real relationship with Hekmatyar. Mavlana Fazl Rahmani rejects the ideology and tactics of the Muslim Brotherhood of which Hizbe Islami is a part.
But Jamat e Islami of Pakistan is very close with Hekmatyar. In Pakistan, the thinking on Afghanistan has changed. People are told that Afghanistan is occupied by foreigners and governed by Crusaders. This attitude empowers Hekmtyar and other anti-government elements. They can take advantage of these youthful notions.
Kabul Direct: Last year Hekmtyar talked about having close relations with the Taliban. But in 2007, we have not heard him making the same claims. Has the relationship changed?
Waqad: During the five years the Taliban controlled Afghanistan, Hekmatyar was unable to bridge his differences with the Taliban.I think he has a better chance of being able to work out his differences with the government than he does the Taliban. Again, Hizbe Islami is generally comprised of highly-educated people – reasonable people.
The only reason Hizbe Islami has any relationship with the Taliban is because both stand in opposition to the Karzai government. That is really the only thing the two parties have in common.
Kabul Direct: Do you think Hizbe Islami and Hekmtyar are close to Al Qaeda’s leadership?
Waqad: Yes, indeed. Hekmatyar needs logistic and economic support. Without help from Al Qaida, he could not continue his confrontation.
Kabul Direct: If he is supported by Al Qaida then, what is his difference with the terrorist organization?
Waqad: The Taliban and Al Qaida do not accept the governments of many countries, even Islamic ones like Saudi Arabia as being legitimate. Hizbe Islami members, who are also members of the Muslim Brotherhood, do not believe in confronting these Muslim governments.
Kabul Direct: But if he is supported by Al Qaida then he is certainly willing to go along with their view, right?
Waqad: Yes, but only because Hekmatyar needs their financial and logistical support at the moment.
This might not have been the situation had the government worked out an accord with Hekmatyar back in 2001 when he returned from Iran. There is still more basis for him to work out a deal with the government than for him to have a relationship with Al Qaida or the Taliban.
Kabul Direct: What should the government do to reach a positive peace agreement with Hekmatyar?
Waqad: There should be a serious discussion of peace talks. The government can take advantage of Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and other influences to pressure Hekmatyar. The Karzai administration should not leave this task to inexperienced Afghan intelligence officials. It also does not require a military response.
Kabul Direct: What do you propose for the betterment of the current satiation in Afghanistan?
Waqad: Everything ends in the present Afghan government. The Karzai administration must prove its capacity in both politics and administration. The administration needs to carve out deals with Pakistan and Iran, as well.
It needs to bring the insurgents into the fold. It should start small and bring them in gradually. This can’t be done overnight. Finally, the government has to earn the people’s trust by meeting their expectations. Because Afghanistan is a traditional society, whatever the government does has to conform to Afghan norms.
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