[Afghan News] January 13, 2013

[یاسمینه]

Afghanistan: Blast kills 7 civilians after raid
By RAHIM FAIEZ | Associated Press
KABUL, Afghanistan (AP) — An explosion Sunday killed seven Afghan villagers as they tried to pull bodies of dead insurgents from the rubble of a village mosque after a night raid by NATO and Afghan troops, officials said. Four insurgents and an Afghan soldier were also reported killed in the operation.

Night raids have long been a contentious issue between Afghanistan's president, who says he does not want international troops in Afghan villages, and the NATO alliance, which says they are key to capturing Taliban commanders.

Even though Sunday's deaths came hours after the troops left, locals were quick to protest against the U.S. troops that operate in the area.

"Death to America!" one man shouted as he shook his fist, shown in an Associated Press video. The villagers displayed the bodies of the dead wrapped in blankets and sheets.

The pre-dawn operation in Sayd Abad district was aimed at capturing a Taliban fighter who had holed up in a village, said Wardak province spokesman Shahidullah Shahid. The international and Afghan forces captured the militant but came under attack from insurgents, sparking a two-hour gunfight during which at least one large blast was heard, he said. Four insurgents were dead by the time fighting ended around 4:30 a.m.

Then about 6 a.m. local time, residents came out to find the local mosque partly destroyed and started digging through the rubble to uncover bodies. Shahid says something exploded as they dug, killing seven civilians. He says the insurgents were wearing suicide bomb vests, but it was not immediately clear if that caused the explosion.

A spokesman for international forces in Afghanistan confirmed that four insurgents were killed but did not have any immediate reports of civilian deaths.

"I am aware of reports that indicate there may have been civilians killed, and ISAF and Afghan officials are assessing the situation to determine the facts," said Jamie Graybeal, a spokesman for the international military coalition in Afghanistan.

He said that there was no airstrike as part of the operation, but the NATO and Afghan troops did discover a large cache of weapons, which they destroyed on the site, causing a large explosion.

The NATO force said in a statement that an Afghan soldier was also killed in the operation.


Taliban Prisoner Releases Are High-Risk, Low-Reward
By Frud Bezhan January 13, 2013 Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
After having little success playing it safe, the Afghan government is gambling on a risky new strategy to convince the Taliban that the road to peace runs through Kabul.

In recent months, scores of Taliban officials and rank-and-file have been freed from prisons in Afghanistan and neighboring Pakistan. Now, Afghanistan is upping the ante with the expected release of thousands more within its borders while pushing Islamabad to free some of the Islamist militant group's most dangerous characters.

The prisoner releases are seen as a signal of good faith from the administration of Afghan President Hamid Karzai, who is wary of peace efforts not led by Kabul but whose overtures for direct talks with the Taliban have been refused.

But there are no assurances that the freed detainees will, as Kabul predicts, help bring the Taliban leadership to the negotiating table or convince militants to reintegrate into Afghan society.

Analysts say the move is fraught with risk, and has little chance of succeeding.

"The worst-case scenario, which is actually quite likely, is having these individuals return to the Taliban, bolster their ranks, and increase their efficacy on the battlefield," says Jeffrey Dressler, a senior analyst and team leader for Afghanistan and Pakistan at the Institute for the Study of War in Washington.

"It would not surprise me one bit if the majority of these folks were recaptured or killed on the battlefield six months to a year from now."

Dressler says that even those who might be ready to give up the fight would be highly reluctant to facilitate reconciliation.

'Doomed From The Start'

The Afghan authorities announced on January 4 that 80 prisoners captured in operations against the Taliban and other groups had been released from Bagram military prison, which houses some 3,000 Taliban fighters and suspected terrorists. A further 1,200 prisoners, it was announced, would be freed in the coming weeks.

In neighboring Pakistan, 26 Taliban have been freed in recent months amid reports that Kabul had presented a 40-man wish list to Islamabad. The release of about 100 more prisoners is reportedly forthcoming.

David Young, a Washington-based conflict-resolution expert and adjunct fellow at the American Security Project, says the Afghan government's latest effort to get the Taliban leadership to the negotiating table is "doomed from the start."

He says that even before the detainees were released, it was unknown what role the freed militants might play in bringing Taliban leaders to the negotiating table, what connections they still have to the group's leadership, or even their stance on negotiations.

Under a "safe passage" agreement between Kabul and Islamabad, according to Young, prisoners have been released with no conditions and many have simply disappeared. A better approach, he suggests, would have been to home in on key individuals.

"In order to work, a strategy like this would require the release of officials who still hold significant weight in the Taliban's political apparatus, but are reconcilable. Secondly, it would be far more effective if Afghan officials had taken the time to build relationships with the prisoners before they were released," Young says.

"Their sincerity and access to the Taliban could have been tested while they were still in prison. And then perhaps arrange their release once it became clear that they would be more effective on the outside."

Key Personalities

The list of 40 prisoners Kabul reportedly asked Islamabad to release appears to contain few who would fit that mold.

The list includes Mullah Noorudin Turabi, a former Taliban justice minister who oversaw the regime's infamous public executions.

Then there is Anwar ul-Haq Mujahid, a military commander who headed Taliban operations in Tora Bora, the reputed hiding place of Al-Qaeda founder Osama bin Laden.

Others on the list include top advisers to Taliban leader Mullah Mohammad Omar.

One exception could be the man at the top of the 40-man list, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar. The former Taliban deputy leader was arrested in Pakistan's southern city of Karachi in February 2010, some believe because he was facilitating secret talks between Kabul and the Taliban leadership.

Young says the fact that Islamabad has not yet released nor extradited Baradar could be seen as an indication of Pakistan's reluctance to hand over individuals truly capable of aiding Kabul's reconciliation efforts.

"Mullah Baradar would clearly qualify. But Pakistan is not releasing him, in my eyes, because he would be more effective than all the rest combined," Young says. "Baradar is clearly the golden goose, free of coercion, and he has already shown the intent and capability to deliver."

What Incentive Does Taliban Have?

Afghan-led peace efforts have suffered a string of setbacks over the years.

The Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Program, which offered jobs and security to Taliban foot soldiers and benefited from some $140 million from international donors, has convinced only about 1,000 militants to drop their weapons.

The assassination in 2011 of Burhanuddin Rabbani, a former Afghan president who headed of the Afghan High Peace Council, deprived the body of a high-profile leader.

And while some contact between Taliban representatives and Afghan officials has taken place -- including informal meetings in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the Maldives and, most recently, in France in December -- progress has been minimal.

Despite its overtures the Taliban has refused to directly talk to the Afghan government, labeling it "illegitimate" and a "Western puppet."

Ryan Evans, a research fellow at the Center for National Policy, an independent think tank based in Washington, says that Kabul's recent strategy is intended to show the Taliban leadership, as well as the Afghan public, that it can act independently of its Western allies.

But with international forces preparing to withdraw by the end of the year, the timing couldn't be worse. "The incentives for the Taliban to negotiate a deal just aren't there," Evans explains.

"The incentives do exist for them to talk about talking in a way to get concessions and cause friction between the Afghan government and the International Security Assistance Force and within the Afghan government," Evans adds. "But we cannot create these incentives for them to make a deal while we are leaving."

Top Taliban Prisoners

Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar

Mullah Baradar is without question the top Taliban prisoner on the list. Kabul sees the high-ranking Taliban official as key to its negotiation efforts. Baradar, who formerly headed the Taliban's military and political wings, has shown both the intent and capability to facilitate talks between Kabul and the Taliban leadership.

Baradar was detained by Pakistani authorities in the southern city of Karachi in February 2010, reportedly for facilitating talks between Kabul and the Taliban command without approval. His arrest is seen as a main reason why earlier attempts at peace talks broke down.

Mullah Noorudin Turabi

Turabi, the Taliban's former justice minister, was freed by Pakistan in November 2012. During the Taliban's 1996-2001 rule in Afghanistan, the one-legged Turabi was considered a religious hard-liner and had legal responsibility for the regime's brutal public executions. Turabi was also reportedly behind the decision in 2001 to blow up Afghanistan's ancient Bamiyan Buddha statues, an incident that caused international outcry.

Turabi was captured in Afghanistan soon after the U.S.-led invasion but controversially released by the Afghan government in 2002. He was arrested in Pakistan in 2005. Reports suggest the 60-something Turabi is in poor health.

Anwar ul-Haq Mujahid

Mujahid is reported to have been released from a Pakistani prison in November 2012. He was the Taliban's military commander in eastern Afghanistan and head of Taliban operations in Tora Bora, the reputed hiding place of Al-Qaeda founder Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan. Mujahid was appointed as head of his own faction of the Hezb-e Islami after the demise of his father, Yunis Khalis. The elder Khalis, who died in 2006, was a militant commander in Afghanistan's Nangarhar Province, near the border with Pakistan. Anwar ul-Haq Mujahid was arrested by Pakistani authorities in 2009 and was a member of the Taliban's military council.

Mullah Abdul Ahad Jahangirwal

Jahangirwal is a former adviser to Taliban leader Mullah Mohammad Omar who was never promoted to a senior position. Jahangirwal, who was also the Taliban's spokesman in Kandahar, the group's spiritual birthplace, was arrested by Pakistani authorities around 2009.

Agha Jan Mohtassem

Mohtassem, a former Taliban finance minister, is Mullah Omar's son-in-law. He was reportedly arrested in the Pakistani city of Karachi around 2009.

Sayed Tayeb Agha

Agha is another close advisor to Mullah Omar. Agha was arrested as part of a wider crackdown on the Taliban by Pakistani authorities in 2009. He was detained in Karachi, like many Taliban members at the time. Some reports have suggested that he was arrested because he was seeking negotiations with Kabul.


Taliban Commanders Say They Were Tortured by Pakistani Intelligence
Afghanistan’s former leaders are emerging from Pakistan’s shadowy intelligence lockups with tales of horror. Could the harsh treatment now backfire on their backers in Islamabad?
The Daily Beast By Ron Moreau and Sami Yousafzai Jan 12, 2013
It may be difficult to sympathize with the plight of former Taliban officials and commanders who have been incarcerated in Pakistan’s shadowy, extrajudicial prison lockups without charge for the past several years.

But some of the more than two dozen insurgent leaders whom Islamabad has released unconditionally over the past two months, ostensibly as a means of reviving the stalled Afghan peace process, are now recounting in exclusive interviews with Newsweek and The Daily Beast the years of deprivation and torture they suffered at the hands of Pakistani intelligence. Not surprisingly, the harsh treatment they suffered has turned them against the Pakistanis, who, ironically, provide aid and safe haven to the Afghan insurgency as a whole.

Mullah Nooruddin Turabi, Mullah Mohammad Omar’s former justice minister, who was freed late last month after being arrested in 2005, is the senior-most insurgent leader released thus far. Turabi, the sixtysomething, former hard-line head of the Taliban’s draconian moral police, is telling family members and friends at his house in Karachi that he was held in underground solitary confinement without sunlight, was barely fed, and was frequently tortured for five of the seven years he was incarcerated. During that time, he lost most of his eyesight in his one good eye. (He had already lost one eye and one leg during the war against the Soviets in the 1980s.)

Turabi certainly didn’t deserve cushy accommodations. He personally and zealously supervised the enforcement of the Taliban’s tough dress, moral, and gender codes during the Taliban’s regime: beards of a certain length for men, burqas for women, and the prohibition of women’s education and employment outside the home or women leaving home without being escorted by a male relative. Turabi says that some of those who mistreated him told him they were doing it as payback for the way he and his police treated women under the Taliban’s rule. “Some of the interrogators told him he was receiving God’s punishment for the way he insulted humanity and treated women while he was minister,” says senior Taliban operative Zabihullah, who recently met Turabi in Karachi. (Zabihullah is a pseudonym.) He told Zabihullah that he believes the Pakistanis treated him even worse than the Americans would have: “The Americans would not have kept me thirsty for the sun for five years.”

Until 2010, Turabi says interrogators never tired of asking him questions that he couldn’t answer: where are Mullah Omar and Osama bin Laden? “Some of the interrogators were nice and wished me and the Taliban well, but most were rude, nasty, and violent. But they all kept asking the same stupid questions,” he told Zabihullah. Some of his interrogators were even apologetic, saying they only arrested him and other Taliban leaders after receiving heavy pressure from the Americans. “The [Inter-Services Intelligence] explained they had no alternative but to arrest me and others,” Turabi told Zabihullah. “I can understand that, but then why beat, insult, and torture and lock me up in a dark room?”Although he was blindfolded during the interrogation sessions, Turabi says he believes American were present because of the incessant questions about Omar and bin Laden, but he does not implicate the Americans in his mistreatment.

“Pakistan is not only breaking the backbone of the Taliban, it is also crushing the bones of the Islamic movement.”

In the end, the intelligence agencies wanted Turabi to cooperate with them. Just before he was released, they asked him to tell Mullah Omar to use his influence with the Pakistani Taliban and order them to cease their attacks on Pakistan. But after so much pain and suffering, Turabi was hardly in a cooperative mood. “I told them no deal. The way you have treated me for seven long years, I have forgotten Mullah Omar’s address and I can’t even remember his face,” he told Zabihullah.

Another recently freed Taliban commander, a former deputy provincial governor who requests anonymity for security reasons, says he was mistreated so badly that he believes Pakistan is the enemy and that “Pakistan hates the Afghan Taliban.” As a result, he says he is now more than ever committed to the Taliban’s cause. “We will never forget the mental and physical torture,” the commander told Newsweek and The Daily Beast. “Before I went to jail I was a Taliban, but now I am even more committed and solid. I will do whatever the Taliban shura assigns me to do.” To him Pakistan has become the main foe. “Pakistan and its secret service are the enemy No. 1 of Afghans and the Islamic movement,” says the commander, who was arrested at his house in Quetta in 2008. “Pakistan is not only breaking the backbone of the Taliban, it is also crushing the bones of the Islamic movement.”

“Only God knows how many jihadists from many countries are rotting in these ISI black, underground cells,” he adds.

Reports of torture, disappearances, and the mistreatment of detainees are nothing new in Pakistan. According to the U.S. State Department’s 2010 Human Rights Report, “extrajudicial killings, disappearances, and torture” are “major human-rights problems.” “There are reports that security forces, including intelligence services, tortured and abused individuals in custody,” the report adds. Amnesty International, in its report on Pakistan last December, says the Pakistani military has “free rein to carry out torture and enforced disappearances.” Human Rights Watch’s World Report 2012 says that “Thousands of suspected members of Al Qaeda, Taliban, and other armed groups remain in illegal military detention” and that there is “continuing torture and ill-treatment of criminal suspects.” Pakistan’s security services strenuously deny the charges.

But enemies can suddenly become friends or at least non-enemies. About six months ago, Turabi, the commander, and several other Taliban suddenly were flown from their clandestine lockups in Karachi to two ISI safe houses around Islamabad and Rawalpindi, they say. There they were united with about two dozen other Taliban, some very senior, including Mullah Omar’s No. 2 and brother-in-law, Abdul Ghani Baradar. There were some 18 Taliban in one house and six, including Baradar, in another. They said that Baradar seemed to be in charge and “be in good shape.” Neither Turabi nor the commander knows why they were arrested in the first place or why they were suddenly released from the cruel confines of Karachi to the relative comforts near the capital. “We don’t know why things changed,” says the commander. “One day we were the bad enemy, the next we were the nice prisoners.” Then they were released last month “unconditionally,” they say.

If Pakistan is hoping the releases will give some momentum to the moribund peace talks, then it may be disappointed. After what Turabi and the other incarcerated insurgents have experienced, they may not be in a compromising mood. At least one Taliban operative in Kabul says it’s unlikely the releases will add good will or a fillip to any negotiations. “Those who were freed will not play any positive role for peace,” he says requesting anonymity for security reasons. “If the Taliban asks they will rejoin the attan,” he adds, referring to the traditional Afghan dance. ” The dance of war, not of peace.

Sami Yousafzai is Newsweek's correspondent in Pakistan and Afghanistan, where he has covered militancy, al Qaeda, and the Taliban for the magazine since 9/11. He was born in Afghanistan but moved to Pakistan with his family after the Russian invasion in 1979. He began his career as a sports journalist but switched to war reporting in 1997.

Ron Moreau is Newsweek’s Afghanistan and Pakistan correspondent, and has been covering the region for the magazine for the past 10 years. Since he first joined Newsweek during the Vietnam War, he has reported extensively from Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America.

For inquiries, please contact The Daily Beast at editorial@thedailybeast.com.


Pakistan Taliban say they won't attack army in key area
By Jibran Ahmad
PESHAWAR, Pakistan (Reuters) - The Pakistani Taliban said on Saturday they would cease their occasional attacks on the Pakistani army in the Taliban stronghold of North Waziristan and concentrate attacks on NATO forces in Afghanistan instead - an announcement possibly designed to head off divisions in the insurgency.

The ceasefire does not apply to the rest of the country, where there are often fierce clashes between the Taliban and security services.

Thousands of Pakistani soldiers are stationed in North Waziristan, a tribal region along the Afghan border.

There have been occasional clashes there between the soldiers and Taliban, but a leaflet issued by Taliban leader Hakimullah Mehsud ordered those to stop. A senior commander confirmed the pamphlet's veracity.

"O Mujahideen brothers! As you know, the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban under the leadership of Mullah Mohammad Omar Mujahid are engaged in jihad against the crusaders and infidels, and are supporters of each others in the ongoing holy war," the pamphlet said.

"The enemy does not want to see us united and disciplined against them and are trying to divide us," it continued.

The Taliban have formed alliances with a number of other militant groups in North Waziristan who are violently opposed to the Pakistani state.

DIVISIONS IN THE INSURGENCY

Some Taliban commanders are divided over whether the Pakistani state or NATO forces are their top target.

Those divisions were laid bare in November by an attempted suicide attack on Mullah Nazir, a top militant commander from the Wazir tribe in South Waziristan. He had signed a peace deal with the Pakistani army but supported attacks on NATO forces in Afghanistan.

The attack was widely believed to be the work of rival Taliban commanders, and the Wazir tribe ordered Hakimullah Mehsud's tribe out of their lands.

Mullah Nazir was killed in a drone strike this month and it is unclear if his successor will continue his policies, or what relationship the Wazir tribe will have with the Mehsud tribe.

Pakistani army officials have also told Reuters that there are tensions between Mehsud and his deputy. The two men recently appeared together in a video to deny the allegations.

The decision to halt attacks against the Pakistani army in North Waziristan could signal the Pakistani Taliban's intention to help the Afghan Taliban fight U.S.-led NATO forces in the neighbouring country, or focus more closely on attacking Western targets inside Pakistan.

Or it could be more specifically aimed at unifying local factions. Mehsud's statement specifically addressed both foreign fighters and local Taliban.

(Writing by Katharine Houreld; Editing by Kevin Liffey)


Taliban murder female social activist in Wardak province
By Sayed Jawad - January 13 2013, 7:40 pm Khaama Press
According to local security official in central Maidan Wardak province of Afghanistan, Taliban militants assassinated a female social activist and hanged her dead body on a tree in Chak district.

Provincial security chief spokesman Gen. Abdul Wali confirming the report said the female activist was abducted by Taliban militants around four days back.

Mr. Abdul Wali said her dead body was found today in Khwaja Omeri village from Chak district.

He said the victim was working in a social non-governmental organization and was abducted by Mullah Rohani a local Taliban leader. The non-governmental organization is reportedly providing chickens, tailor machines and carpet waving equipments for the local residents in a bid to create employment opportunities.

This comes as women affairs ministry earlier expressed concerns regarding tragic growth in violence against women across the country.

According to the ministry officials around 3,500 cases of violence against women have been recorded during the first six months of the Afghan year.

Local residents in Chak district are saying that the woman was first tortured by Taliban militants and was later shot dead and her dead body was left hanged on the tree from 1 pm to 2 pm local time.

Another local resident speaking on the condition of anonymity said the woman was from central Bamyan province of Afghanistan and was working in a clinic.

In the meantime Gen. Abdul Wali says that Afghan security forces have arrested a suspected individual in connection to the incident.

Taliban militants group yet to comment regarding the incident.


After Karzai's visit to Washington, fears about U.S. withdrawal linger in Afghanistan
Washington Post By Kevin Sieff and Sayed Salahuddin January 12 ,2013
KABUL - When President Hamid Karzai left for Washington this week, some Afghans wondered what he would bring back. Their leader had a long list of demands, but he would be meeting with an American president whose top priority was a U.S. military withdrawal.

The meeting between the two leaders at the White House on Friday appears to have yielded progress on at least two of the issues on Karzai’s list: a U.S. pullout from Afghan villages and a full handover of the country’s military detention center at Bagram.

But neither Obama nor Karzai spoke concretely about the size of the U.S. presence here after 2014, with Karzai saying, “Numbers are not going to make a difference to the situation in Afghanistan.”

In Kabul, though, there is still great interest in that question, and some voiced disappointment Saturday that neither president offered clarity on an issue that weighs heavily on the minds of many Afghans.

“We wanted to hear from our president key questions about Afghanistan beyond 2014, like: What will be the role of the U.S. militarily and politically? What is the Afghan government’s demand from the U.S.?” said Fauzia Koofi, a lawmaker and women’s rights activist. “Those issues were not mentioned by President Karzai.”

Although both leaders spoke of their interest in a long-term security partnership, Karzai expressed uncertainty about whether diplomatic immunity would be provided to U.S. troops beyond 2014, a prerequisite for an enduring troop presence, according to Obama. For Afghans worried about a dramatic U.S. withdrawal, the prospect that the Americans won’t offer Karzai the concessions he needs to grant that immunity prompted concerns.

“Karzai thought that through pressure on the issue of legal immunity, we could gain concessions, but there is no sign that those concessions will be given to Afghanistan,” said Waheed Mozhdah, a longtime Afghan analyst.

“There was no special achievement for Karzai in this trip, but it added to the concerns that American forces may not keep troops after 2014,” Mozhdah added.

At a joint news conference Friday, Obama announced that the transition to Afghan-led security would be accelerated, with Afghan troops and police taking control of all operations in the spring. Remaining U.S. troops will serve a supporting role, he said.

News of the acceleration drew a mixed response from top Afghan commanders confident in their troops’ abilities but concerned about a lack of equipment.

“We have sufficient arms and enough physical strength and manpower on the ground that will allow us to defeat the insurgents,” said Gen. Abdul Hamid, the top Afghan commander in the southern province of Kandahar and the leader of the army’s 205th Corps. “But our army is not complete in terms of equipment. We lack artillery, rockets and an air force.”

Like many other parts of the country, Kandahar has begun the formal process of transition to Afghan-led security. But Afghan forces there still rely on U.S. troops for air support and logistical assistance. Many within the Afghan security forces and political establishment are eager to know how those roles, along with U.S. political involvement, will change after 2014, particularly now that the White House has acknowledged the possibility that no troops will remain in the country after next year.

“We wanted a clearer message from Obama that the U.S. will continue to support democracy in Afghanistan,” Koofi said. “It’s the only alternative to Talibanization.”


America's go-to man in Afghanistan's Oruzgan province
The U.S. relies heavily on warlord turned Police Chief Matiullah Khan. He smiles wryly and dismisses the accusations of corruption and collusion that swirl around him.
Los Angeles Times By David Zucchino January 12, 2013
TARIN KOWT, Afghanistan - A shy boy with filthy hands and a shabby tunic approached the great man, bowed and tried to kiss his hand.

Gen. Matiullah Khan was seated like a sultan on a cushion in his hojra, his airy receiving room. He barely looked at the boy. He nodded to an aide, who withdrew a thick wad of Pakistani rupees from his pocket and handed it to Matiullah.

The most powerful man in Oruzgan province, a warlord and tribal leader turned police chief, glanced at the cash. Then Matiullah pressed the entire roll into the boy's hand.

"Nobody helps the people; it's up to me," Matiullah said as the boy withdrew.

Thousands of desperately poor Afghans in this remote province rely on Matiullah for charity and protection. And his presence here is equally important to the U.S. military, which views Oruzgan as a linchpin in southern Afghanistan. It relies on Matiullah to support a U.S. special forces team and to secure the crucial supply road from Kandahar to Tarin Kowt, the provincial capital.

Matiullah is America's go-to man in Oruzgan, a mountainous badlands that was a Taliban stronghold before Matiullah beat the insurgents back.

Not much happens in Oruzgan without Matiullah's blessing. He approves government appointments and directs government services. He says he has paid from his own pocket to build 75 mosques, two schools, a hospital and his own modern police headquarters.

Although he has been accused of corruption and drug-running — allegations he denies — Matiullah has made himself indispensable to U.S. interests. Like other Afghan strongmen supported or tolerated by American forces, he has the gunmen and the iron fist to hold off the Taliban, even at the cost of undermining the very government institutions the U.S. is trying to bolster.

Despite attempts to sideline warlords, men like Matiullah remain in power because the weak and corrupt central government has little authority, especially in remote areas, and U.S. forces need strong military allies where the Afghan army is unreliable. President Hamid Karzai formalized Matiullah's control over Oruzgan by naming him police chief in August 2011.

The NATO-led International Security Assistance Force says its convoys have suffered only three attacks on the Kandahar-Tarin Kowt supply road in the last two years. For the last decade, Matiullah's gunmen have secured the winding dirt road, earning the chief millions of dollars in fees from trucking companies that contract with ISAF to deliver supplies to Tarin Kowt.

He says he pays 1,200 gunmen to protect the convoys, in addition to his cops stationed at posts along the road — meaning he makes a profit from security provided in part by government-paid police.

ISAF spokesmen deflected questions about Matiullah's relationship with coalition forces, referring a reporter to the Afghan Interior Ministry, which directs the Afghan National Police. Ministry spokesman Sediq Sediqi denied that Matiullah was involved in the opium trade — a claim made by his political rivals — or that he maintained a private militia.

Matiullah is literally at the center of the coalition military presence here. A base for U.S. Special Operations Task Force Southeast is just 200 yards from his sprawling compound, which is powered by an enormous generator in a province with no electricity service. An Australian special operations base lies across a muddy field.

The chief's compound overlooks a busy military airport where Apache attack helicopters soar toward the mountains day and night to support Special Forces operations. His reception room is festooned with photos of him posing with U.S. Special Forces soldiers. There are framed certificates of appreciation from a series of Special Forces teams.

One, from a commander in April 2011, reads: "Your superior work ethic, professionalism, expertise and bravery are the epitome of the Special Forces motto: The Quiet Professionals."

U.S. special operations commanders declined to answer questions about Matiullah's role or allow interviews with the U.S. team here.

Matiullah said special operations teams visited his compound often, and that he supplied them with security and intelligence.

"They are my good friends," he said. "They don't know who are our friends in Oruzgan and who are our enemies. I know very well, so they rely on me."

Enemies from rival tribes have portrayed Matiullah as a warlord with his hands on the levers of graft. Matiullah dismisses the accusations with a wry smile. He considers himself a man of the people and his government rivals as thieves who steal salaries, weapons and equipment meant for his 3,160-man police force.

Elders in villages a three-hour drive from Tarin Kowt praise Matiullah for opening the only roadway from the capital and lining it with police checkpoints after years of Taliban assassinations and kidnappings. But they complain that security has not brought help from the central government in faraway Kabul.

"When the Taliban were here, the government said they couldn't give us schools and clinics because there was no security," said Abdul Manan, a leader in the village of Marabat. "Now we have security, but where is the government?"

Matiullah rose from outwardly humble origins. A farmer's son, he never attended school. He is illiterate; his police officers read aloud from official papers before the chief signs them. He writes his name laboriously on each document.

A decade ago, Matiullah was a lowly highway cop. He has since built a power base through guile and savvy, and via his hereditary role as a leader of the powerful Popalzai tribe. Matiullah said he protected Karzai, a fellow Popalzai, when Karzai took refuge in Oruzgan as the U.S.-led invasion was toppling the Taliban regime in 2001.

Matiullah then commanded a mountain militia that waged a guerrilla war against the Taliban in Oruzgan, the birthplace and former power base of the Taliban's spiritual leader, Mullah Mohammed Omar.

"During the Taliban time, the people trusted Mullah Omar. Now they trust Matiullah Khan," said police Lt. Col. Abdullah Sultani, the chief's liaison to the Interior Ministry.

Matiullah is close to Karzai, who presides over a kleptocracy in which his cronies have access to graft and sweetheart contracts. The chief was also close to Karzai's half brother Ahmed Wali Karzai, the political boss of Kandahar who was assassinated in July 2011 and had been described by U.S. officials and others as flagrantly corrupt.

Now Matiullah lives in a mansion on a compound that includes a radio station, swimming pool, rose garden, guest quarters and mosque. Many of his radio station employees double as police officers.

He travels in a fleet of Humvees painted green, protected by a phalanx of cops and gunmen. He says the Taliban, under orders from Inter-Services Intelligence, Pakistan's intelligence agency, has tried to assassinate him at least six times. He claims the Pakistani agency directs and controls the Afghan Taliban.

Matiullah looks nothing like the aging, paunchy warlords the U.S. relies on elsewhere in Afghanistan. At 38, he is slender and physically fit, with a trimmed beard and thinning black hair combed into a widow's peak. He wears a neatly pressed gray wool police general's uniform, or a pristine white shalwar kameez, the baggy Afghan tunic and trousers.

He smiles often and projects an air of calm and civility.

People here say many things about Matiullah, but on this much they agree: He has brought a measure of stability to a province that two years ago was dominated by the Taliban.

"Before Matiullah, the police chiefs were afraid to send their men out of Tarin Kowt," said Faiz Mohammed, a district governor in Oruzgan. "Matiullah has chased away the Taliban. Now the roads are open and the police are in their posts there day and night."

In 2010, then-Oruzgan Police Chief Juma Gul Himat told the New York Times that Matiullah's security company was "an illegal business" that he tried to shut down. Now an official at the Interior Ministry in Kabul, Himat says that though Matiullah's police could use more discipline, the chief has delivered security.

"I've talked to a lot of villagers and elders in Oruzgan, and they're all thinking positive about Matiullah Khan," Himat said.

A large neon sign over the guest quarters features a photo of Matiullah and a message: "The hero of peace and unity." His photo is pasted to the windshields of police vehicles. It adorns the walls of rural police posts and the main traffic circle in Tarin Kowt.

Matiullah is not charitable toward other provincial officials appointed by the Kabul government. He regards the Oruzgan governor, Amir Mohammad Akhundzada, with a mixture of scorn and pity, saying he "does nothing but sit in his office." He is contemptuous of Afghan army units, saying they're afraid to leave their bases except for major operations.

The governor declined to discuss Matiullah, saying he was busy. Maj. Gen. Zahir Azimi, the Afghan army spokesman in Kabul, said the army had had great success in Oruzgan, working closely with Matiullah's police.

Despite Matiullah's successes, the Taliban still maintains a presence here.

Insurgents have mounted two deadly suicide bombings in Tarin Kowt in recent weeks, and roadside bombs are a constant threat. On Dec. 26, a turncoat police officer and Taliban cohorts killed three of Matiullah's cops and wounded two others as the men slept inside a police post less than three miles from Matiullah's office.

Oruzgan's lucrative opium crop gets to market primarily via roads controlled by Matiullah's men. Yet he denies any role in drug trafficking, saying his police recently seized and burned 3 tons of opium on a local road, arresting 18 men.

The chief also denies accusations by rivals that he has colluded with the Taliban. "Impossible," he said. "I'm fighting them.... I'm stronger than they are, so why would I need to work with them?"

ISAF convoys have been well protected from the Taliban on the Kandahar-Tarin Kowt road, he said. But over the last decade, he said, 470 of his men have been killed in Taliban attacks there.

Each week, dozens of supplicants line up in Tarin Kowt to implore Matiullah for cash or help. He recently boosted teachers' salaries by $100 a month each, he said. He pays for student scholarships in Kabul, and for food and clothing for the poor and dispossessed.

"The government is supposed to provide all this, but they don't. I do," he said.

And still the demands come.

A police officer approached the chief at his desk to request money for a police training course in Kabul. The Interior Ministry had refused to pay, he complained.

Matiullah shrugged and reached into his pocket. He withdrew a bundle of cash the size of a pomegranate and peeled off several large bills. The officer bowed and saluted.

Next was a leathery old man with a soiled cloak and calloused hands. In a high, squeaky voice, Haji Abdul Wadud poured out a tale of woe: Heavy rain had flooded his village in nearby Shamansor. He had pleaded with the governor for help but was turned away.

And another thing: The village could use a mosque, he told the chief.

Matiullah gave a dry laugh. He told an officer to help the man write a letter to the governor demanding help. The chief himself would sign it.

"If he doesn't help you, come back to me," Matiullah said.

And the mosque? the old man asked.

Matiullah patted the elder's bony arm. "It's winter now, and rainy," he said. "But in the spring you will have your mosque."

david.zucchino@latimes.com

Special correspondent Hashmat Baktash contributed to this report


14 Taliban fighters lay down arms in northern Afghan town
PUL-E-KHUMRI, Afghanistan, Jan. 13 (Xinhua) -- A Taliban group composed of 14 fighters laid down arms and joined the government- backed peace process in Baghlan province 160 km north of Kabul on Sunday. "These people under Qari Zafarullah were active in Jirga district over the past couple of years and with joining them to peace process the security will be further improved in Baghlan province," provincial police chief Assadullah Shirzad said in a ceremony to welcome the former militants.

They also handed over eight pieces of assault rifles to police,
he further said.
Taliban militants fighting the government have yet to make comment.

Around 4,000 Taliban militants have joined the government- backed peace over the past one year, a claim rejected by Taliban outfit as groundless.


Transitional government, supporting Taliban ideology
By Jawed Rostapoor - January 13 2013, 11:37 am Khaama Press
The national front – one of the main political opposition party of the Afghan government has proposed a transitional government as an alternative to end government’s interference in upcoming presidential election.

A similar suggestion was also put forward by the Taliban group representatives during the Paris conference in a bid to bring peace and stability in the country.

But the suggestion by the main political opposition party of the Afghan government seems to be an attempt to end the current political system in Afghanistan however the comments by opposition parties in such a sensitive situation seems to be interesting and ridiculous as the observers believe that the political parties do not have a specific national strategy, similar to the Afghan government which has been criticized during the past one decade by political analysts and various media agencies.

On the other dozens of political parties and movements have formed during the past years however their influence on the situation of Afghanistan and government has been considerably low since majority of the political parties did not have specific strategies which could at least help the current weak administration.

On the other analysts are saying that the main motive behind the government’s failure for proper administration was the lack and formation of a strong political movement or party following the Taliban regime which was toppled in 2001.

Decades of long war in Afghanistan paved the way for various ethnic and religious figures who formed parties and movements based on their preferred ethnicities who are acting the government considering their personal benefits more than the national benefits of the country.

Therefore the observers also believe that the political parties and movements in Afghanistan do not have strategies that guarantee the national benefits of the country and the comments by National Front for a free and fair election and transitional government is similar to the Taliban group’s suggestion in Paris conference.

On the other analysts criticize the formation of a transitional government and are saying that the National Front is looking to end the current political system which has been formed by Afghan peoples’ votes.

During a decade long age of the current political system which was formed following public voting, the Afghan constitution and other laws have been passed besides the Afghan parliament and Afghan senate which are actively operating which reflects a legitimate and public supported political system in the country.

The question according to analyst who believe is not logical is that how a transitional government can be formed to prevent government’s interference and organization of a free and fair election.

The current debut can be well demonstrated following an example of a gardener who was cutting the fruit trees and was using the branches of the cut trees to grow other trees. The gardener was asked in this regard and he said the trees were affected by insects and therefore he was cutting the trees so that the insects do not harm the fruits. But the gardener was advised to find a solution to remove insects rather than cutting the trees.

The suggestion by National Front according to the observers is similar to the above story of the gardener.

In the meantime there are possibilities of the current government’s interference in upcoming presidential election which has been witnessed by Afghans in the past but a free and fair election is not impossible and there are other alternatives which can be implemented to guarantee the election and current political system.

Political stability of a nation has direct links with the prominent and powerful political parties who are assuring the proper implementation of democracy in their respective societies. The political parties are vital organizations with specific strategies that obliges the government for better governance.

But unfortunately the political parties have been reflecting only theories in Afghanistan during the past decades and according to the Afghans the political leaders are acting against the principles of political movements and parties in the country. The Afghan citizens also believe that political leaders are responsible for majority of destructions of the country and are directly involved for paving the way for interference of regional spy agencies in Afghanistan since their personal benefits are more valuable for them than the national benefits of Afghanistan.

The formation of political parties and movements in Afghanistan during the past ten years has been sectional and has formed in specific events with rare contribution and affect on the situation of the country and in some cases the political movements have been ridiculous, according to the observers who are saying that the political opposition parties have been aggressive but the members of the parties are slowly going close to president Karzai in a bid to create their influence for their future political compromises.

However the main question considering the current situation is the impact of the political parties on the upcoming presidential election where Afghans and the international community are keen to witness the consequences.

The suggestions by the National Front – the main political opposition of the Afghan government seems to support the Taliban ideology which can have a very negative impact on the situation of the country.

On the other hand observes believe that the National Front is struggling to gain power through the upcoming presidential election and which has been supported by the Afghan people.

On the other hand concerns among the Afghans remains at high level as they believe that the National Front is not keen on ending Afghanistan crisis and graft in the current government led by president Karzai but the situation could go worse if the National Front or any other political figure becomes successful in the presidential election.

Meanwhile a number of the political figures who criticize the government of Afghanistan for growing corruption are directly involved in the graft themselves as they are having high positions in the government. The issue of corruption and bad governance led by president Hamid Karzai is not a new issue and according to the reports and findings the transitional government first formed after the Taliban fall had good governance but the corruption and graft dramatically increased after the first term and second term presidential elections.

According to reports majority of the political figures who are not with the central government are acting undemocratic, violating law and help grow corruption in the country.

Political illness, social turmoil and other comments by political figures involved in Afghanistan politics are creating distance between the Afghan people and political parties and movements in the country.

Observers believe that majority of the political parties are Ethnicity-based and Afghans fear that these parties once again will create ethnic issues if become successful in presidential election.


Despite Taliban Threat, Afghanistan Manages to Entice Some Tourists
New York Times By ROD NORDLAND January 12, 2013
KABUL, Afghanistan - The Taliban have a message for foreign tourists who come to Afghanistan, especially if they are from any of the 50 countries that are part of the NATO-led coalition supporting the government: Big mistake.

“It is part of our war strategy to target any foreign citizen whose country has a military presence in Afghanistan and enters our country without permission from the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan,” said Zabiullah Mujahid, the spokesman for the insurgents in northern and eastern Afghanistan, reached by telephone at an undisclosed location.

The American government has pretty much the same message. “No part of Afghanistan should be considered immune from violence,” says the United States State Department’s latest travel advisory. “There is an ongoing and increased risk of kidnapping and assassination of U.S. citizens,” it also says.

And yet some tourists do still come, though in what most officials say are ever-dwindling numbers.

Two of those who did were a newlywed couple, a pregnant American woman and her Canadian husband, who apparently arrived in Afghanistan in early October and disappeared by mid-October, reportedly kidnapped in an insurgent area. They were traveling partly on foot, staying in a tent and in local guesthouses, according to their family, and have not been heard from since.

Another two were a wealthy Russian couple, who hired an armored car and bodyguards at $1,500 a day, stayed in the $356-a-night Kabul Serena Hotel, toured the Panjshir Valley, and went home on schedule.

“Until 2005, we were driving tourists everywhere,” said Muqim Jamshady, the owner of Afghan Logistics and Tours, who says his company is the only one still catering to foreign visitors. “Now we are operating still, but very carefully.”

Few tourist destinations are as exotic as Afghanistan, with some of the world’s most rugged, snowcapped mountains in the Hindu Kush and Pamir ranges, ancient Buddhist monuments and stunning Islamic architecture, like the elegant Blue Mosque in Mazar-i-Sharif.

Mr. Jamshady says he often discourages prospective tourists, especially those who want to come in groups. “We really tell them, don’t come on your own, come through a friend who works in an NGO,” he said, referring to a nongovernmental organization, “in small groups or ones and twos. Security is the priority for us. We don’t want to ruin the reputation of our company. Pure tourists, I would say there are only 100 to 150 a year.”

Afghanistan has been consumed by war off and on for three decades, but the collapse of the tourism industry, he says, dates to the kidnapping of a South Korean tour group by the Taliban in 2007. Two of the Koreans were killed, and 19 were freed after six weeks in captivity and the payment of a ransom reportedly totaling $20 million. In addition, South Korea agreed to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan.

Security throughout Afghanistan only worsened after that, and tourism was all but wiped out by 2008. Since then the number of places that are safe to visit has dwindled steadily.

“We didn’t host a single tourist guest last year, and the year before there were only a few of them,” said Abdul Saboor Shafaq, the owner of the Silk Road hotel, in central Bamian Province, one of the safest places in the country. The 10-room hotel is widely acclaimed for its immaculate rooms and improbable but excellent sushi.

“I don’t know how Afghanistan will get safe again, if after 10 years of the international community it is still not safe,” Mr. Jamshady said.

Like tourism industries anywhere, Afghan tourism does have its boosters. “The security situation is fairly stable, and tourists who visit are fairly comfortable and they are pleased when they see a hotel of this standard,” said Shahryar T. Khan, the general manager of the Kabul Serena Hotel, which has five stars and “world-class security measures.”

The 177-room hotel runs at 64 percent occupancy, Mr. Khan said, and tourists make up an increasing share of the guests. “Of course, from zero it’s gone up to 1 percent.” The Serena has twice been attacked by terrorists, and in 2008 Taliban insurgents killed six guests in an attack aimed at the hotel’s health spa.

According to Afghanistan’s deputy minister of tourism, Ghulam Nabi Farahi, the country now attracts between 15,000 and 20,000 tourists annually, a number that he said is growing by 1,000 to 2,000 each year.

He said that figure was based on visas issued at Afghan embassies, although many aid workers and journalists come to Afghanistan on tourist visas, which are easier to get than work visas.

“Afghanistan is a country very suitable for attracting tourists,” Mr. Farahi said. “It’s a place where tourists can have all their wishes come true.”

He insisted that there have been no recent cases of tourists attacked or kidnapped.

That would come as news to James Coleman and his wife, Lynn, from York County, Pa., who last month began a YouTube appeal for the release of their daughter, Caitlan, and her Canadian husband, Josh, whose last name has been withheld at the family’s request.

The authorities in Wardak Province initially said the couple had been taken from a car in the Sayed Abad district, an area infested with Taliban insurgents.

Mr. Coleman, in an interview with The Associated Press, described his daughter as “naïve” and “adventuresome.” She was also seven months pregnant when she disappeared, with a chronic liver condition; her baby was due this month.

“As parents and soon-to-be grandparents, we appeal to whoever is caring for her to show compassion and allow Caity, Josh and our unborn grandbaby to come home,” Mr. Coleman said in the video.

Mr. Mujahid, the Taliban spokesman, said he could not confirm whether the pair had been taken by the group, because it was too difficult to reach local Taliban commanders in that area, but he said it was possible and would be justified. “It is their people who elect their governments and parliaments who then wage wars around the world,” he said.

The Taliban commander in the Sayed Abad district, Juma Khan, reached by cellphone, was initially friendly to an Afghan caller. When asked about the American and Canadian couple, however, he abruptly hung up and switched off his phone.

“Why would any tourist want to go to Wardak?” asked Mr. Farahi, the deputy tourism minister. “There’s nothing in Wardak for tourists. Perhaps they were actually journalists. I wouldn’t call them stupid, because we don’t use that word in our culture, but I would not have advised them to go there.”

Habib Zahori contributed reporting.


Mixed Reaction Among Politicians to Karzai's US Visit
TOLOnews.com By Haseeb Moudoodi Saturday, 12 January 2013
The acceleration of the security transition from the foreign troops to Afghan forces is likely to increase the challenges for a fair and transparent Afghan presidential election in 2014, political parties said Saturday.

At a meeting of the Cooperation Council of Political Parties and Coalitions with some 30 civil society groups, some political leaders were concerned at the agreement struck between Afghan and US presidents Hamid Karzai and Barack Obama on Friday to hand full security responsibility to Afghan forces by spring instead of summer.

"Although the president agreed on some issues with US officials like the upgrade of security forces, taking full responsibility for Bagram prison and opening a political office of Taliban in Qatar, the number of US troops to remain in Afghanistan post-2014 and the facilitation of the security transition process are still unclear. In this case, the [2014 presidential] election will face danger," a member of the Right and Justice party Mohammad Hanif Atmar said, adding that the accelerated transition timetable only compounded these dangers.

Afghanistan political parties differed over the outcome of Karzai's visit to the US in the past week, with some welcoming the agreements reached between the two nations, while others said the real demands of Afghans remain ignored.

"The Afghan government is apathetic over the election and does not have any specific mechanism on how to launch the election. Each president who goes on a trip proposes his people's demands but it is important [that these demands] are feasible," head of National Front party Ahmad Zia Massoud said.

Karzai reiterated on Friday in an address that he would stand down at the end of his term in 2014 and ensure his successor is fairly elected.

"The greatest of my achievements eventually, as seen by the Afghan people, will be a proper, well-organised, interference-free election in which the Afghan people can elect their next president," he said. "And certainly I will be a retired president, and very happily a retired president."

The Afghan political parties recognised the support of the US in rebuilding the country and asked for the continued economic support to develop infrastructure in the country.

"After the political transition, we need long-term economic cooperation of US as a huge partner. Afghanistan's infrastructure should be constructed and should be the hope for the future," member of National Coalition Eng Asim said.

The US currently has 66,000 troops in Afghanistan still fighting against insurgency in the country after more than 10 years. From 2014, it has pledged to continue its military support but will withdraw most of the troops and will take a greater support role.


Afghanistan Needs Pre-Election Provisional Govt: National Coalition
TOLOnews.com By Hazim Arash Saturday, 12 January 2013
A provisional government should be set up prior to the presidential election of 2014 to protect the fair outcome of the poll, the head of the National Coalition party Ahmed Zia Massoud said Saturday at a gathering of political parties and civil society groups.

"If we really want to have transparent elections in Afghanistan and for democracy to become institutionalised, there should be provisional government found before holding the elections," Massoud said.

However, not all the groups present agreed with him, with some arguing that an independent commission overseeing the election should suffice.

The Cooperation Council of Political Parties and Coalitions (CCPP) along with civil society organisations met Saturday to discuss the 2014 election in light of the draft election law recently approved by Council of Ministers. Most groups felt the changes made by the ministers – namely the removal of the Election Complaints Commission – went against civil values.

"There should be an active and permanent commission founded according to the law the parliament has already approved for addressing elections objection," a member of the Right and Justice Party Hanif Atmar said.

A number of activists of civil society and political parties have said that any regulation aiming for transparency of the election should be made according to the constitution of the country.

"The civil society does not ask for a provisional government because such a transformation could cause our country to face [a greater] crisis," Ajmal Baloochzada, a civil society activist, told TOLOnews.

Assadullah Saadati, a CCPP member said, "All our requests and reactions will be in the framework of the country's constitution."

The CCPP, made up of around 21 political groups, met with some 30 civil society institutions to find ways to ensure a transparent election.

This comes as President Hamid Karzai reiterated in his visit to the US this past week that he will step down in 2014, as per the country's constitution.

Speaking at Georgetown University in Washington on Friday, Karzai said he would work towards a fair and transparent election in the country to find his replacement.


Senate Summons Top Govt Security Officials
TOLOnews.com By Rafi Sediqi Saturday, 12 January 2013
Afghanistan's top security officials on Saturday went before the Senate to answer questions on preparations for the Afghan National Security Forces to take full security responsibility once Nato and the US troops withdraw in 2014.

The officials summoned to answer questions about the post-2014 scenario included the Minister of Interior and the Minister of Defence, the Head of the Independent Directorate of Local Governance, deputies of the National Directorate of Security, and the Chief of Army Staff.

A number of senators called on the security officials to ensure there were more efforts to secure highways as well as better governance.

"The security of highways should be provided in a serious manner by security forces. What could we expect from the forces after 2014, if this isn't done?," said Senator Hedayatullah Rahaee.

Senator Hafez Abdulqayoum raised his concerns over the lack of equipment.

"The Afghan National Army does not have enough equipment for providing security. The lack of an air force is one such challenge which needs to be addressed," he told the officials.

Chief of Army Staff stated that although the army's air force is yet not fully equipped and funded, the army is capable of providing security across country and is will be further strengthened in the future.

"That which is committed for the national army is being carried out. We are currently facing shortage of heavy artilleries and lack of an air force but the national army forces are capable of providing security in the country," Lt. Gen. Sher Mohammad Karimi told the senators.

Head of Independent Directorate of Local Governance Abdulkhaliq Farahi said there had been progress in the area of governance.

"Although governance in the country has had challenges, there has been a lot done in this area," he said. "All the activities of the government staff and of most of the district governors of the country are being reviewed."

A number of senators believe Afghanistan will confront no real security challenges if there are more efforts by the government to gain support from the people for the country's security forces, and if the forces are better mobilised.

Minister of Interior Mujtaba Patang did not attend, sending his deputy of security instead. This was rejected by the Senate who have summoned Patang again for questioning.


Helmand Residents Protest Land Grab Claims
TOLOnews.com By Baryalai Rahimi Saturday, 12 January 2013
Residents of Lashkar Gah, the capital of southern Helmand province, protested Saturday against the confiscation of their lands, saying that local officials of Kariz village had allowed illegal construction of a police building on their land.

Police chief of Zone 707 Esmatullah Dawlatzai rejected the claims saying that the building was being constructed on government land and that it had been confirmed by a government committee.

"This is a government land handed over to police command of Zone 707 by the province's properties committee," Dawlatzai told TOLOnews. "What these people claim is baseless."

One of protesting residents said, "According to the constitution, no one, not even the government, has the right to arbitrarily ruin somebody's personal property."

Dawlatzai added that there is more than 100 acres of land belonging to the government.

The construction work of the command's facility will continue, he said, adding that once construction is complete, the new quarters will resolve much of the issues that local command has faced previously.

www.afghanistannewscenter.com